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MARGARET MEAD December ~ 6, ~ 901-November 15, ~ 978 BY CLIFFORD GEERTZ MARGARET MEAD was probably the most famous anthro- pologist of her time, and even more probably the most controversial. Author of more than fifteen hundred books, articles, films, anct occasional pieces; a tireless public speaker traveling the world to instruct ancl persuade; a field re- searcher of extraordinarily extensive and varied experience; a hyperactive organizer of projects, conferences, programs, and careers; and possessed of a seemingly endless fund of opinions on every subject under the sun that she was all too willing to share with anyone who asked, and many who clic! not; she left no one who came into contact with her or her works indifferent to either. Even cleath, which came from pancreatic cancer in the winter of 197S, a month shy of her seventy-seventh birthday, clid not still the debates that circulatect about her person anct her work. The appearance in 1983 of the New Zealand/Aus- tralian anthropologist Derek Freeman's highly publicizecl wholesale attack on her first book, Coming of Age in Samoa, published fifty-five years earlier, began yet another round of intense and often bitter discussion, both popular and profes- sional, whose end is still not in sight. She was the subject of a special memorial issue of the American Anthropologist in June 1980, in which eight of her students and coworkers contrib- 329
330 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS uted assessments of various aspects of her work; of an af- fecting memoir by her daughter, Mary Catherine Bateson, herself an anthropologist, in 1984; and of a mammoth, fact- cramme(1 popular biography by Jane Howard, also in 1984. The following memoir is heavily dependent upon these latter works, supplemented even colorect, perhaps, for they are very vivid with certain remembrances of my own. THE CAREER For all the complexity of her person anc} the variety of her interests, Meacl's biography is fairly simply toIcl, for once she found her path in the early 1920sshe never ctiverged from it. Impulsive, improvisitory, peripatetic, she may have been, as well as socially unorthodox, but she led a directecl life, willed ant! implacable. She was born in Philadelphia in December 1901, the first of five chilciren, to Emily Fogg and Edward Sherwooc! Mead. Her father was a professor of economics at the Wharton School of Finance of the University of Pennsylvania. Her mother hac! been a schoolteacher before marriage (and sub- sequently dill some work toward a master's (legree in sociol- ogy), as had been her paternal grandmother, Martha Ramsay MeacI, who lived with the family during MeacI's childhoocI. After a Quaker elementary school education in Philaclelphia ~ American Anthropologist, 82,2 (1980):261-373; Mary Catherine Bateson, With a Daughter's Eye (New York: Morrow, 1984); Jane Howard, Margaret Mead, A Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984). For a full bibliography, missing only the last few years, and with an introduction by Mead on her writings, see Margaret Mead: The Complete Bibliography 1925-1975, ed. loan Gordan, (The Hague: Mouton, 1976). For a sensitive appreciation from outside anthropology, see Renee Fox, "Margaret Mead," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: The Free Press, 1979). Of the numerous newspaper obituaries, the fullest is that by Alden Whitman of The New York Times, November 16, 1978. Mead's own account of her early life is available as Blackberry Winter: My Earlier Years (New York: Morrow, 1972). It should also be remarked that the inordinate delay in the appearance of this memoir is a result of the fact that I was asked to write it only after the person to whom it was originally assigned failed at length to produce it.
MARGARET MEAD 331 and public high school in nearby Doylestown, Mead attended DePauw University, GreencastIe, Indiana. She actively dis- liked DePauw and left after a year to transfer to Barnard College. She majored in psychology at Barnard, ultimately writing a master's essay on intelligence testing of Italian and American children. For her doctoral work she moved, in 1923, into anthropology at Columbia University under Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict, writing a library theis on cultural stability in Polynesia. In 1925 despite the misgivings of her teachers and most of her friends she travelled, aged twenty- three, alone and enervated, to Samoa for her first field trip. In a pattern that she was to repeat several times and in- deed never wholly abandon, two works one popular, ten- dentious, schematic, and over-discussed; one technical, de- tached, detailed, and generally neglected resulted from this nine-month field study: Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) and The Social Organization of Manu'a ~ ~ 9301. In ~ 928-l 929 Mead worked in Manus in the Admiralty Islands off the north coast of New Guinea for eight months, from which came the popular Growing Up in New Guinea (1930) and the technical Kinship in the Admiralty Islands (1934~. After a sum- mer's work among the Omaha Indians in Nebraska in 1930 (from which a study, The Changing Culture of an Indian Tribe tI932] resulted with the usual immediacy, though in this case with rather little impact, public or professional), Mead jour- neyed to New Guinea, where she worked among three dif- ferent groups the Tchambuli (or Chambri), the Mundu- gumor (or Biwat), and the Arapesh- between December 1931 and spring 1933. Again, two major works resulted: one for the world, argumentative and controversial, Sex and Tem- perament in Three Primitive Societies (1935), and one for the trade, systematic and not much noticed, The Mountain Arapesh ~1938-19491. From March 1936 to March 193S, plus another six weeks in 1939, Mead worked in Bali, The Netherlands
332 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS East Indies, producing perhaps her finest single study, the essay in Balinese Character: A Photographic Anaitys?s, Bateson and Mead (19421. Finally, in 1953, she conducted a six-month restudy of Manus, which emerged in 1956 as Nero Lives for 0~: Cultural Transformation Manus ~ 9281953. Various short revisits to her sites aside (she made at least a half-dozen of them between 1964 and 1975 alone, and nearly twenty altogether), Mead thus carried out nearly six years of exten- sive field research in no less than seven cultures all of them except Bali and the transformed Manus, neolithic; all save the Omaha, in the South Pacific and wrote substantial books (and numerous articles) about all of them. It is a rec- ord, like Malinowski's monograph Fleuve or Frazer's galactic compilation, unlikely to be broken. Not that she was otherwise idle while accomplishing this. As early as 1926 she was appointed assistant curator of eth- nology of the American Museum of Natural History in New York, a position she maintained (advancing to associate cu- rator in 1942; curator in 1964; and curator emerita, but hardly retired, in 1969) until her death, and whose obliga- tions as collector, documenter, conservator, and exhibition designer she took extremely seriously. She added upwards of three thousand items to the Museum's inventory, planned several dioramas, made hundreds of photographs and a number of films, raised (and, not insignificantly, contributed) funds, and finally created, apparently by sheer insistence, ("this has been part of my own working life for forty-five years"2) the splendid Peoples of the Pacific Hall, which opened there in 1971. Although it took Columbia University until 1954 to bring itself to make her an adjunct professor, she also taught: at . . 2 D. H. Thomas, "Margaret Mead as a Museum Anthropologist," American An- thropolog~st, op. cit., p. 357, an excellent review of this rather little known aspect of Mead's career.
MARGARET MEAD 333 Vassar in ~ 939-l 940, ~ 940-l 94 I, ~ 945-! 946; at New York University in 1940, and from 1965 to 1967; at Wellesley in 1944; at The Menninger Foundation in 1959; at Columbia from 1947 to 1951, in 19521953, anct from 1954 to 1978; at Forc~ham University from 1968 to 1970; and at the Uni- versity of Rhocle Island in 1970-1971. She was, inter a great many alia, Jacob Gimbel Lecturer in the Psychology of Sex, at Stanford University ant! the University of California (19461; Mason Lecturer, University of Birmingham, England (19491; Inglis Lecturer, Graduate School of Education, Har- varcl University (1950~; Ernest Jones Lecturer, British Psy- choanalytic Society (19571; anti Dwight Terry Lecturer on Religion in the Light of Science anct Philosophy, Yale Uni- versity (19571. During the Second World War she lectured at the Office of War Information and afterwards at UNESCO and the National Institute of Mental Health. How many stu- dent groups, women's clubs, alumni associations, and profes- sional organizations she acIdressect will probably never be known. Beyonc! fielcI research, curating, and teaching, Mead was a tireless organizer and director of an astonishing variety of intellectual and social enterprises. The list of her "member- ships" in a curriculum vitae apparently prepared a year or so before her death ("Full material is provicled so that each one can select the particular items relevant for his or her pur- pose") runs to eighty-four items, from Parents Without Part- ners, Spirit of Stockholm Foundation, National Council for Negro Women, and General Board of Examining Chaplains of the Episcopal Church to Anthropological Film Research Institute, Woricl Fecleration for Mental Health, Society for Psychical Research, and The Association for Social Anthro- pology in Eastern Oceania. She served no less than twenty- six of these groups in some sort of executive capacity. She was, at various points, president of The Society for Applied
334 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS Anthropology (1949), The American Anthropological As- sociation (1960), and The American Association for the A(1- vancement of Science (1975~. She was the moving force in the Research in Contempo- rary Cultures program at Columbia from 1948 to 1950, in which more than 120 people, including Ruth Benedict, Geof- frey Corer, Nathan Leites, Martha Wolfenstein, and Rhoda Metraux, participated, and from which a number of her own "national character" studies, notably Soviet Attitudes Toward Authority (1951) and (with Metraux) Themes in French Culture (1954), emerged. By the time she was finished, she was cov- ere(1 with honors, inclucling twenty-eight honorary (1egrees (Delhi, Kalamazoo, Harvard, Lincoln, Women's MecTical Col- lege of Pennsylvania . . . ), the Viking Medal in Anthropology (1957-1958), anti, in 1975 (rather late, she thought, as flick a great many others) fellowship in The National Academy of Sciences. In 1977 she was acimittec! to the American Philo- sophical Society. In ~ 979 she was posthumously awarclect The Presidential Mecial of Freedom. Mead was married three times: first, in 1923, to Luther Cressman, a theological student, from whom she was di- vorced in 1928; seconcT, in 192S, to the New Zealanc! anthro- pologist Reo Fortune, with whom she worked in Manus, among the Omaha, and on New Guinea, anc! from whom she was divorced in 1935; and third, in 1936, to the English an- thropologist Gregory Bateson, with whom she workoct in Bali and New Guinea, and from whom she was divorced in 1950. All three of her husbands survived her, as dicl her daughter, Mary Catherine Bateson Kassarjian, at the time of her moth- er's (leash, (lean of social sciences at Reza Shah Civar Univer- sity in Iran; a grandclaughter, Sevanne Kassarjian; and one of her sisters, Elizabeth Mead Steig. When she cried, the people of Manus rested seven days in mourning and planted a coconut tree.
MARGARET MEAD THE WORK 335 As with any scholar who produces so vast ant! varied an output, no simple verdict is possible concerning the overall quality of Mead's work. Some of it was clearly hasty, ill- consiclerecl, anct casually argued, even irresponsible. Some of it was routine, banal, momentarily useful at best, page-fi~ling at worst. Some of it was professional, careful, a modest but genuine addition to knowlecIge. Anct some of it was extraor- clinarily fine, revolutionary when written and revolutionary still. It is doubtful that any anthropologist, save perhaps she herself, ever has read or ever will read everything, even everything professional, she wrote (certainly, ~ have not); but any anthropologist, in any way serious, has read and for some time to come will read some of it. She started a great many hares and she caught a number of them. Even an attempt to demarcate the major areas, beyond Oceanic ethnography as such, in which Mead maple her main contributions is likely to prove controversial, for she had a way of making everyone from nutritionists to cinematogra- phers fee! that their interest was at the very center of her concern, before all others. Nevertheless, from a detachect perspective, four areas seem to be those upon which the clu- rability of her reputation will ultimately rest: psychological anthropology; applied anthropology; ethnographic method; and a complex of concerns centering arounc! gentler roles, chilcI socialization, and the family, which now would perhaps be called women's stucties, a categorization she would have found, anct toward the end of her life increasingly cTid finch, · . constrictive. Psychological anthropology was a major theme in her work from her first full-scale fielct study of the Samoans in the mid-1920s, concerned as it was with undermining the Sturm und Drang conception of adolescenceto her last, the
336 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS return to Manus in the mid-1960s, where the subject was "Ethel strange emergence of a group of erstwhile savages twice upon the worm stage, once unconscious of their role, now fully aware of it" (New Lives for Did, ~ 86), and the subject of one of her very last papers, a retrospective summary piece published posthumously in 1979, "The Evocation of Psycho- logically Relevant Responses in Ethnological Field Work" (in eel. G. Spindler, The Making of Psychological Anthropollogy, pp. 88-139. Berkeley: University of California Press). There were essentially three overlapping phases of this work: first, that represented by Growing Up in New Guinea, with its attack on fixed stages of cognitive growth (the chil- dren were "realists," the aclults "animists"), as well as by the Samoan study, in which propose(1 universalities of psycholog- ical functioning were up-ended by particular counter-cases; the second, usually referred to as "culture and personality" research, in which particular cultural mechanisms (teasing, swaddling) were sought out to account for particular psycho- logical traits (affectlessness, suppressed rage); and the thircl, usually referred to as "national character" work, in which entire societies (Russian, French, American) were character- ized in psychological terms (paranoid, reservecl, optimistic). If the first of these superego from a tendency toward thesis striving, the second from a rather mechanical conception of the relation between child socialization and aclult character, and the third from a certain over-ambitiousness, taken to- gether they establishect, especially in the Manus, Balinese, and American studies, the foundations for virtually all sub- sequent work in this area. The second area, appliecl anthropology, was in many ways Meact's dominant concern, determinect as she was to make her science serve human needs. It took her into a large num- ber of government-related "policy science" activities, inclu(l- ing the clirection, as executive secretary, of The.Committee
MARGARET MEAD 337 on Food Habits of the National Research Council cluring World War ~ I. Her concern continued after the war and con- tributecI to the enactment of the Child Nutrition Act of 1978. Five clays before her cleath she sent a "Dear Jimmy" telegram to President Carter from her hospital bed urging him to . . sign it. Her practical interests pervade all her work and deter- mine its fundamental direction. Race conflict, chilct care, marital relations, women's rights, technological development of Third WorIct countries, mental health, education, ctrug abuse, the generation ~an. American foreign nolirv `>nvi- ~_% ~ By_ +~ ]: ~ ~ ~ ~ <~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ^ r i_ ~ ~ i_ ~, ~ 3 1 ~ ~ ro~rnen~a~sm, aging, and nuclear disarmament all came- anct repeatedly uncler her gaze, half-ethnographic, half- moralist, entirely passionate. And (some rather too quotable remarks asicle), she had useful things, novel and challenging, nicely provocative, to say about all of them. Her foundation, in 1944, of The Institute of Intercultural Studies, to "stim- ulate . . . research . . . most likely to affect intercultural and international relations," and to which she declicated the greater part of her sizeable income, is only the clearest expression of the centrality of the applies! dimension in Meacl's conception of what she was about: "building a new world . . . through a clisciplinecl science of human relations" (Balinese Character, xvi). Meacl's concern with methoclological matters was with her from the beginning, intellectual daughter of Franz Boas that she was, but it was powerfully stimulated by attacks on her, as she became prominent, as "impressionistic," "intuitive," "subjective," ancl, to her the most painful cut of all, "unscien- tific." Mead was totally committee! (as her other mentor, Ruth Benedict, for example, was not) to the view that anthropol- ogy was or ought to be a science, pure and simple, just like the others. Most of her methodological discussions and en- terprises came in reaction to accusations that it, or anyway
338 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS she, was anything less than thoroughly objective, logically rig- orous, resolutely empirical. ("Each time ~ write something about 'how ~ really do it'," she once complained to me, "'they' use it to show that I'm not to be trusted.") With a candor and bravery not otherwise matched in so- cial anthropology and certainly not by her whitecoated crit- ics, who tend to shoot at her from behind oneway mirrors- Meact continuously exposed her fielcI procedures to full view and evaluation (her papers cleposited in the Library of Con- gress letters, field notes, manuscripts; a half-million items in all probably constitute the fullest and most open record of an ethnographer's work practices extant). Her search for new and better methocis was relentless. At various points she experimented with several forms of psychological testing projective, Piagetian, A; with the analysis of chil~lren's play and children's paintings; with hy- per-behaviorist, timed observations ("There are two sorts of anthropologists," she once saicl, pointedly, to me, "'talking' anthropologists and 'looking' anthropologists: I'm a 'looking' anthropologist."; with life-history recording; with mocles of language learning ant! language use; and perhaps most ex- tensively with photography and with that original combina- tion of (documentary research, film analysis, expatriate inter- viewing, and literary study that she callecl "culture at a distance." Some of these efforts were more successful than others. Even Gregory Bateson was, or so at least he said to me, un- convincecl of some of Mead's claims for the probative value of their photographic work. Even a sympathetic observer must cock a quizzical eye at the oddly phrased claim (in her vita) that "she has hac! to learn to use seven primitive lan- guages"; and projective testing is not much now in fashion. But the vigor with which she pursues! the most intractable problems of ethnographic method and the great impact her
MARGARET MEAD 339 experiments and reflections have had upon research practice in general are hardly to be denied. As for the complex of issues centering around the family, socialization, gender roles, and the status of women, they were more deeply rooted in Mead's unusually complex per- sonal life than any other aspect of her work: in her relation to her mother, her grandmother, her sisters, her daughter, and her granddaughter; in her college-formed, lifelong friendships with a number of extraordinarily talented pro- fessional and artistic women; in her long-term, deeply inti- mate relationship with Ruth Benedict; in her earliest inves- tigations into the erotic freedom of Samoan girls, the marital dominance of Tchambuli women, and the emotional incon- stancy of Balinese mothers. Finally in her ambiguous rela- tions in the last years of her life with the reborn feminist movement in the United States Mead was acclaimed by some as a heroine who had made it in a man's world on her own terms. Yet she was derided by others as a "Queen Bee" and an "Aunt Tom" who (as Betty Friedan, an ennemie amicate for many years, told Joan Howard) "played a considerable role in getting us all so preoccupied with 'fulfillment."' Pro- fessionally, the culmination of this concern was her 1949 Male and Female, with its vive la difference, to each his or her own, point of view. But all in all she probably wrote more on mar- riage, family, gender, sexuality, childhood, and child-raising than on any other set of issues much of it influential, most of it controversial, all of it heartfelt. THE PERSON Trying to sum up Margaret Mead in a few considered and professional pages is, for someone who knew her, if not in- timately at least live and in color, a bit like trying to inscribe the Bibleor perhaps the Oclyssey on the head of a pin. She escapes most categories and mocks the rest.
340 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS My own most vivid memories are two. The first is of going with my then wife, Hildred Geertz, to see her in 1950, when she was at the height of her celebrity, in the famous tower in the American Museum to ask whether a philosophy major and an English major from a small Ohio college where the subject was not even taught ought to become anthropologists. Although she ctid not know of us before (the appointment had been arranged by one of those, also famous, young women she collected] about her in the tower as aicles of all- work, who happened to be a friend] of ours), she spent the entire afternoon showing us her notes, photographs, project outlines, telling us about the field (and some of the leading personalities in it!), extolling its possibilities for free spirits such as we imagines! ourselves to be, and practically com- manding us to enter it. We left commanclecI. The other memory is from seven years later. My wife anct I, journeymen now, are in a very small village on the Balinese coast, so remote it cannot be reached by automobile. We have been there for a week or so observing a gigantic cremation being held by some relatives of the family with whom we were living. At the climax of this extravaganza my wife is up by the palace where the procession will begin, ~ am (lown toward the burning grounc! a half mile away where it will end, in a desperate attempt to "cover" it the enormous, tumbling crowcI, hundreds of people half-shroucled in heat anct dust, sullenly parts, as in a cleMille movie, and there stancling, leaning authoritatively on a stick, is Margaret Meacl. ~ thought: "If an anthropologist goes macI in the fielcI, this is the way it will happen hallucinating Margaret." ~ clidn't even approach her but went to find my wife ("Come and look. You're not going to believe this") so as to have a reality check on what ~ thought ~ was seeing. Reas- sured it was indeed she, we then went up to her. She was en route to India for some sort of World Conference on some
MARGARET MEAD 341 sort of World Problem, had gone to where we were perma- nently staying, fount! out where we hac] gone, hac! walkect in on her notoriously bac! ankles in the mid-day heat to find us. She apologizect: She knew anthropologists don't like other anthropologists to intrude into their field! sites. She tract come only to invite us to clinner, three days hence, in the island capital, where there was a local Javanese art clearer married to a Balinese, whom she had known for years and whom it would be good for us to meet. We accepted. She cleparted, hobbling back to the main road where her car was waiting. The dinner was as useful as promisecl; and, by the then (le- serted Sanur beach (Sukarno was about to throw the Dutch out and virtually all Europeans had left the island), Margaret quietly asking, the art clearer even more quietly answering, we silently listening, strange and beautiful. The cliche with which memorials of this sort used ritually to end was, "We shall not look upon her like again." For my part, ~ am absolutely astonished (anal wilclly grateful) that she ever existed] in the first place. So, too, the field shouIct be.
342 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1926 The methodology of racial testing: its significance for sociology. Am. l. Sociol., 31~5~: 657-67. 1928 Coming of Age in Samoa: A Psychological Study of Primitive Youth for Western Civilization. New York: Morrow. (Reprinted in paper- back: 1932, Blue Ribbon Books, New York: Doubleday; 1943, Editions for the Armed Services No. 826, Council on Books in Wartime; 1949, Mentor, New York: New American Library; 1953, Modern Library Books, New York: Random House; 1961 (with new preface), Apollo Editions, New York: Morrow; 1968, Laurel Editions, New York: Dell.) An Inquiry into the Question of Cultural Stability in Polynesia. (Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 9.) New York: Columbia University Press. (Reprinted in paperback 1969, New York: AMS Press.) The Maoris and Their Arts. (The American Museum of Natural His- tory Guide Leaflet Series, No. 71.) New York: The American Museum of Natural History. 1930 Growing Up in New Guinea: A Comparative Study of Primitive Educa- tion. New York: Morrow. (Reprinted in paperback: 1933, Blue Ribbon Books, New York: Doubleday; 1953, Mentor, New York: New American Library; 1962 (with new preface), Apollo Edi- tions, New York: Morrow; 1968, Laurel Editions, New York: Dell.) Social organization of Manu'a. Bernice P. Bishop Mus. Bull., 76. (Re- issued 1969.) 1931 Family primitive. In: Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 6, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman and Alvin Johnson, pp. 65-67. New York: Macmillan. The primitive child. In: A Handbook of Child Psychology, ed. Carl Murchison, pp. 669-86. Worcester, Mass.: Clark University Press.
MARGARET MEAD 1932 343 The Changing Culture of an Indian Tribe. New York: Columbia Uni- versity Press. (Reprinted in paperback: 1966, Cap Giant, New York: Capricorn Books EPutnam]; 1969, New York: AMS Press.) 1934 Kinship in the admiralty islands. Anthropol. Pap. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 34~2~:183-358. Tabu. In: Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 14, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman and Alvin Johnson, pp. 502-5. New York: Macmillan. 1935 Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies. New York: Morrow. (Reprinted in paperback: 1950, Mentor, New York: New Amer- ican Library; 1963 (with new preface), Apollo Editions, New York: Morrow; 1968, Laurel Editions, New York: Dell.) 1937 Editor. Cooperation and Competition among Primitive Peoples. New York: McGraw-Hill. (Reprinted in paperback 1961 Lenlarged edition], Boston: Beacon Press.) A Twi relationship system. I. R. Anthropol. Inst., 67: 297-304. 1938 The mountain Arapesh. I. An importing culture. Anthropol. Pap. Am. Mus. Nat. Htst., 36, Part 3:139-349. (Reprinted in paper- back 1970, as The Mountain Arapesh II. Arts and Supernaturalism, American Museum Science Books B l9b. Garden City, N.Y.: Natural History Press.) 1939 From the South Seas: Studies of Adolescence and Sex in Primitive Societies. New York: Morrow. Native languages as field-work tools. Am. Anthropol., 41, no. 2: 189-205. Researches in Bali, 1936-1939. Trans. N.Y. Acad. Sci. Ser. 2, no. 1:24 - 31. (This paper consists of two parts: I. On the concept of plot in culture, 24-27; and II. Methods of research in Bali and New Guinea, 28-31.)
344 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS 1940 The mountain Arapesh. II. Supernaturalism. Anthropol. Pap. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 37, Part 3: 319-451. (Reprinted in paperback 1970, as The Mountain Arapesh II. Arts and Supernaturalism. American Museum Science Books B l9b. Garden City, N.Y.: Natural History Press.) 1942 With Gregory Bateson. Balinese Character: A Photographic Analysis. (Special publications of the New York Academy of Sciences, 2.) New York: New York Academy of Sciences. (Reissued 1962.) And Keep Your Powder Dry: An Anthropologist Looks at America. New York: Morrow. (Reprinted in paperback 1965 (with new chap- ter), Apollo Editions, New York: Morrow; 1971, Freeport, N.Y.: Libraries Press.) The comparative study of culture and the purposive cultivation of democratic values. In: Science, Philosophy and Religion, Second Symposium, ed. Lyman Bryson and Louis Finkelstein, pp. 56- 69. New York: Conference on Science, Philosophy and Religion in Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life. 1943 The family in the future. In: Beyond Victory, ed. Ruth Nanda Anshen, pp. 66-87. New York: Harcourt, Brace. Our educational emphases in primitive perspective. Am. l. Sociol., 48:633-39. 1945 How religion has fared in the melting pot. In: Religion in the Post- War World, III: Religion and Our Racial Tensions, ed. Willard L. Sperry, pp. 61-81. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Human differences and world order. In: World Order: Its Intellectual rl.n.d C1l.~,l.rn! Fnql.ndntinn.c earl F. Frne.st Johnson, pp. 40 - 51. New York: Harper. 1946 The American people. In: The World's Peoples and How They Live, pp. 143-63. London: Odhams Press. Personality, the cultural approach to. In: The Encyclopedia of Psy-
MARGARET MEAD 345 chology, ed. Philip Lawrence Harriman, pp. 477-88. New York: Philosophical Library. The women in the war. In: While You Were Gone, ed. Jack Goodman, pp. 274-89. New York: Simon and Schuster. 1947 Age patterning in personality development. Am. J. Orthopsychi- atry, 17:231 - 40. The application of anthropological techniques to crossnational communication. Trans. N.Y. Acad. Sci. ser. 2, 9:133-52. The mountain Arapesh. III. Socio-economic life, and IV. Diary of events in Alitoa. Anthropol. Pap. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 40, Part 3:163-419. (Reprinted in paperback 1971, as TheMountainAr- apesh III. Stream of Events in Alitoa. American Museum Science Books B l9c. Garden City, N.Y.: Natural History Press.) On the implications for anthropology of the Gesell-Ilg approach to maturation. Am. Anthropol., 49, no. 1:69-77. 1948 An anthropologist looks at the report. In: Proceedings of a Symposium on the First Published Report of a Series of Studies of Sex Phenomena by Professor Alfred C. Kinsey, Wardell B. Pomeroy and Clyde E. Mar- tin, pp. 58-69. New York: American Social Hygiene Associa- t~on. The contemporary American family as an anthropologist sees it. Am. l. Sociol., 53:453-59. Some cultural approaches to communication problems. In: The Communication of Ideas, ed. Lyman Bryson, pp. 9 - 26. New York: Institute for Religious and Social Studies. World culture. In: The World Community, ed. Quincy Wright, pp. 47-95. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1949 Character formation and diachronic theory. In: Social Structure: Studies Presented to A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, ed. Meyer Fortes, pp. 18-34. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Male and Female: A Study of the Sexes in a Changing World. New York: Morrow. (Reprinted in paperback: 1955, Mentor, New York: New American Library; 1967, Apollo Editions, New York: Mor-
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