Women’s Issues in Transportation: Summary of the 4th International Conference, Volume 2: Technical Papers (2011)

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74 Abandon All Hope, Ye Who Enter Here Understanding the Problem of “Eve Teasing” in Chennai, India Sheila mitra-Sarkar, San Diego State University, California p. partheeban, Sriram Engineering College, Perumalpattu, Chennai, India Fear of victimization and crime are important concerns for women in cities around the world, and this fear is provoked through encounters with men in public space because they are “unpredictable, potentially uncontrol- lable and hence threatening.” The South Asian literature has focused more on the subordinate role of women in Indian society and the workplace than on gender-based crime (referred to as “Eve teasing”) in the public spaces and transportation systems in South Asia. The objective of this paper is to elicit information on sexual harass- ment faced by women commuters in Chennai, India. The study found 66% of the surveyed respondents had been sexually harassed while commuting. many of the respondents first encountered sexual harassment during their adolescent years. very few (5% or less) found any of the modal choices to be best. The largest number of women (more than 40%) rated their worst harassment experiences to be in buses and trains with no separate sections for women. The paper offers other findings on the nature and frequency of sexual harassment and sug- gestions to address these incidents. Researchers have indicated that women’s security needs are different from men’s (Brooks 1997; Smith 2008). Fear of victimization and crime are important concerns for women around the world (Lou- kaitou-Sideris 2005; Koskela 1999; pain 1991, 1995). The fear is provoked through encounters with men in public space because these encounters are “unpredict- able, potentially uncontrollable and hence threatening” (valentine 1989). The sociology, anthropology, and criminology literature of the West has emphasized that women are fearful of crime and vulnerable to assault (Loukaitou-Sideris 2005; Wesley and Garder 2004; Koskela 1999; Ferraro 1996; pain 1991, 1997; valen- tine 1989; Stanko 1987). The South Asian literature has focused more on the subordinate role of women in Indian society and the workplace (Gangoli 2007; mohan 2006; puri 1999; mandelbaum 1986; Omvedt 1980). However, little is written on the geography of gender- based crime (referred to as “ Eve teasing”) in the public spaces and transportation systems in South Asia (police Academy 1979; Shah 1993; Gender Study 1996; Baxi 2001). The following story, printed in the India Express in 1998, describes the tragic outcome of one case of harassment. On July 18 1998, after a Youth Congress (YC) meeting in Chennai, India some of the young mem- bers who left the meeting in an auto encountered Sarika and her friends walking towards a juice bar. The unprovoked attack had deadly consequences. One of the perpetrators, Hari, who was spraying water on the women, lost his balance and fell on Sarika. Under the impact, Sarika lost her balance fell down and sustained head injuries. The auto sped away leaving Hari who hid behind bushes to avoid being beaten up by angry onlookers. Hari however, managed to escape the scene with the assistance of couple of other auto drivers who were sent to rescue him while Sarika lay unconscious on the sidewalk. The incident was reported as a traffic accident and it was only later that the news

75UnDERSTAnDInG THE pROBLEm OF “EvE TEASInG” In InDIA about Eve teasing came out. A week later, on her birthday, Sarika passed away in the hospital never regaining consciousness.1 Eve teasing is a form of sexual aggression toward women or girls in South Asian countries (India, paki- stan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka). In the Times (1960, 9, cited by Barrett 2006, 109) the phrase “Eve teasing” was first used to refer to the common pastime of male university students toward the female students in coedu- cational institutions: Independent India is discovering social problems undreamed of in mahatma Gandhi’s philosophy. As the caste system and the traditional Hindu fam- ily begin to crumble, the barrier between the sexes in India is no longer the formidable fence it used to be. Last week in Agra—where India’s two most famous lovers, the mogul Emperor Shah Jehan and his queen, lie buried under the Taj mahal—the Indian Youth Association held a solemn seminar about a new kind of problem: the sidewalk dalli- ance that Indian youth calls “Eve-teasing.” puri (1999, 86) further elaborated on the various acts that fall under Eve teasing to include being “slapped on the bottoms, being touched on the breasts, being whistled at, being deliberately brushed against, receiving sexually suggestive comments.” Sexual harassment of women is rampant in India; in many ways it is an expression of masculine domination over women who stepped out of the “normative private sphere” (Baxi 2001). As early as 1960, a speaker at the first Indian Youth Symposium held at Agra attributed the sexual harassment to sociological issues: “36.9% of India’s people suffer from boredom, 49.7% from blighted hopes, 26.7% from emotional depression, 6.4% from sexual frustration, 49.9% from a polluted and unwhole- some atmosphere” (Time 1960). After reviewing several books written on gender inequality in India, Hale (1989) summarized that single working women are primary tar- gets for such attacks because they most visibly signal their independence from male control. Women who resist the definition of them as private sexual property by going out to work suffer the risk of being public sexual property (Hale 1989). An exploratory content analysis of sexual violence in nine randomly selected popular Hindi films from 1997 to 1999 found that moderate sexual violence is depicted as fun, enjoyable, and a normal expression of romantic love. victims were more likely to be women, and sexual violence committed by heroes was a com- mon portrayal, particularly moderate violence such as 1 monday, July 27, 1998. http://www.expressindia.com/news/ie/daily/ 19980727/20850084.html. harassment of women with whom the heroes ultimately became romantically involved (Ramasubramanian and Oliver 2003). Harassment of women occurs every day (Kanjilal 2003). Every 51 minutes a woman is sexually harassed. Every 21 minutes a woman is molested. Eve teasing is something that women must contend with every day.2 Unfortunately, these incidents are not well-documented, and only the most heinous get public attention. Some of these acts of public humiliation and violence are brought to attention in newspaper articles. One such article describes a series of unprovoked attacks on women and the societal indifference toward the women who pursued justice.3 Since the early 1970s, an important task for feminists has been to establish gender as an area of research and understanding. In the early 70s, one of the first orga- nized campaigns by female students against Eve teasing took place in Hyderabad. The campaign raised aware- ness on the hostile and sexually threatening conditions Indian women had to deal with everyday, not only in the universities, but also on the streets and in every kind of workplace (Tharu and niranjana 1994). Although many organized protests have occurred since then, there has been little research during this period. Debnath (1999) criticized the paucity of research by Indian anthropolo- gists on the endemic nature of this harassment after read- ing about an incident in a transit bus: not a single Indian sociologist or anthropologist has discussed the “Eve-teasing” case of manisha verma of Delhi by the Delhi Transport Corpora- tion (DTC) employees in 1990 in a bus which would have led to rape if the woman did not jump out of the bus. . . . In our country, especially in our urban areas, perhaps alienation of the deprived class from the local wealthy contributes to the occurrence of rapes. The frustrated and alienated but adventur- ous commoner, thus, indulges in rape for a tempo- rary status by subjugating a soft target. Debnath’s assertions have not been backed by research as the literature in this area is still greatly lacking. Further- more, there have been very few surveys conducted to elicit information from women on the nature and frequency of sexual harassment in public places and their strategies for coping with it. Researchers routinely cite the Gender Group Study (1996) of the faculty and students of Delhi University (DU), which surveyed DU students and fac- ulty. The study shed light on the widespread occurrence 2 Kanjilal, S. Eve Teasing a Growing menace. Chennai online, February 2003. http://archives.chennaionline.com/society/eveteasing. asp. 3 Hassled, but Helpless, The Hindu, Sept. 10, 2002. http://www.hin duonnet.com/mp/2002/09/10/stories/2002091000070100.htm.

76 WOmEn’S ISSUES In TRAnSpORTATIOn, vOLUmE 2 of harassment on the DU campus (Gender Study Group 1996). The survey results showed that in 1996, 91.7% of all residents of women’s hostels and 88.2% of all women day scholars had faced sexual harassment inside the campus. The study also found that most women respondents felt that Eve teasing constituted male behav- ior that could be overlooked and ignored; it was sexual harassment only when it crossed the threshold of their tolerance. verbal harassment tended to be classified as Eve teasing and physical harassment or sexually explicit behavior as sexual harassment. They distinguished the two by the harm caused to them by each: Eve teasing as largely harmless and sexual harassment as harmful. many women respondents spoke of having developed a threshold of indifference, deploying silence or ignoring the harassers, as a strategy to deal with the harassment because they believed that no one would take them seri- ously or come to assist them (Gender Study Group 1996 cited by Baxi 2001). MethodS The objective of this study is to assess the harassment faced by women commuters in Chennai, India. Chennai ranks 13th among all the cities in India for crimes against women (Crime in India 2006, Table 5.1). There are no survey instruments available to ask sociocultural questions related to sexual harassment in India’s public spaces and the public transportation sys- tem. The authors developed a survey by using the exist- ing literature on gender and crime. The authors used the word “harassment” instead of “Eve teasing” to avoid the bias attached to that term (women being the temptress). The questions did not differentiate between verbal and sexual harassment. However, the open-ended questions on the types of sexual harassment encountered in differ- ent modes of travel were asked to elicit additional infor- mation on the nature and types of assaults on women. The first part of the survey asked demographic questions followed by sets of questions to gather information on the nature, type, frequency, location, and societal and personal attitudes toward sexual harassment. The ques- tions were set using a five-point Likert scale (strongly disagree, disagree, somewhat agree, agree, and strongly agree) to assess the level of agreement to questions on sexual harassment. There were also a few open-ended questions that elicited information on types of harass- ment and suggestions to address the problem. The survey was administered by students of St. peter’s College, Avadi, to women ages 18 years and older who were randomly chosen in college campuses, dormitories, trains, and buses as well as at the train and bus stops in the northwestern part of Chennai. The women were asked if they would like to participate in a survey related to Eve teasing. The participants were notified that their participation was optional and they could withdraw any- time. The students handed the survey to those women who agreed to fill them out. Participants For this study, 274 women were surveyed in Chennai. The mean (m) age of the surveyed women was 21.4 years, with a standard deviation (SD) of 12.96. The women traveled an average of 15.4 km (SD = 14.7), with an average commute time of 43 min (SD = 36.26). most of the participants (92%) were college students and not working. The rest were employed and had undergradu- ate degrees. Of the college students, 67.8% were attend- ing a college in Avadi. The rest of the students attended colleges scattered throughout Chennai. Of the respondents, 23.2% walked, 32.2% traveled by bus, 18% used other modes such as personal auto- mobile or a three-wheeler (auto), and around 1% used scooters or bicycles. Findings Almost 66% of the surveyed respondents had been harassed. The mean age of the respondents when they had their first encounter with harassment was 14.95 years (SD = 2.58). A few of the women had encountered harassment at a much younger age (Figure 1). Harassment in public places occurs in public trans- port, bus stops, and while walking to and from desti- nations or traveling in autos. The surveyed respondents were asked to rate their sexual harassment experiences by modes of travel, including waiting at bus stops, as best, tolerable, or worst. very few (5% or less) found any of the modal choices to be best (Table 1). The largest number of women (over 40%) rated their worst experi- ences in buses and trains with no separate sections for women. Inside the buses and trains (with no restrictions), women have been exposed to deliberate physical contact (“brushing past”) (27%) and verbal harassment (22%). Generally speaking, 45% to 55% of the women rated most modal categories (except for women-only buses and trains, which were better options) as tolerable. Buses and trains with no separate accommodation for women were deemed worst by 42.8% of the respondents. Bus stops were found worst by 28.3% of the surveyed women. A paired sample test, which compares the means of responses to paired questions, was used to assess how each respondent ranked a pair of modal choices that have some common features. The paired sample t-test [t(178) = –11.626, p = .001] revealed that women were less afraid of harassment in buses reserved for them (m =

77UnDERSTAnDInG THE pROBLEm OF “EvE TEASInG” In InDIA 2.05, SD = .455) than in buses with no restrictions (m = 2.63, SD = .507). The paired sample test found the differ- ence of means for the responses (to level of harassment) to be significant [t(182) = –11.190, p = .001] for trains with reserved cars for women (m = 2.02, SD = .432) or for trains with no restrictions (m = 2.54, SD = .541). The paired sample test found the difference of means for the responses (to level of harassment) to be significant [t(186) = 3.149, p = .01] for harassment while waiting at the bus stops (m = 2.33, SD = .51) and walking during the daytime (m = 2.19, SD = .47). Exposure to harass- ment walking in the daytime (m = 2.19, SD = .47) was rated lower than in the evening (m = 2.32, SD = .501). The paired sample test was significant [t(186) = –7.462, p = .001]. The means of the paired responses to modes are shown in Figure 2. Survey responses found 35.9% agreed that they were more harassed at nighttime while waiting at the bus stop; only 9% and 4.7% of the women were harassed at the bus stops in the afternoons and mornings, respectively. Sexual harassment faced at bus stops is mostly verbal (singing and whistling), followed by comments made about body parts. A few of the respondents have been also stalked. Walking is the preferred mode of travel for 23.2% of the women. For 51%, walking during the daytime is toler- able, while 15.9% of them found it very uncomfortable. The percentage of women very uncomfortable jumped to 25% at night (Table 1). verbal harassment (singing and whistling) was common, followed by stalking. Other Experiences with Harassment The respondents were asked to share the worst incident they had personally experienced and how the incident affected them. Women wrote about all types of verbal FIGURE 1 Graph showing frequency of age when survey respondents were first harassed. TABLE 1 Percentages from Survey Question “Rate Modes As Best, Tolerable, or Worst Based on Level of Harassment” Train—no Bus—no Walking Cab Autoa Train— Rating Restrictions Restrictions Bus Stop Day Time Evening passengers Scooter passenger Women Only Bike Best 1.4 0.7 1.4 1.1 2.2 2.2 4 3.3 5.4 3.6 Tolerable 29.3 29.3 46.4 44.9 51.1 44.9 46.7 49.6 57.6 55.8 Worst 42.8 42.8 28.3 25.7 15.9 15.9 15.9 14.5 6.9 3.3 Note: Column percentages do not total 100 because of missing data. a Harassment from other types of vehicle users. 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 Pe rc e n t 6 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Age When First Harassed

78 WOmEn’S ISSUES In TRAnSpORTATIOn, vOLUmE 2 and physical assaults on women traveling alone. many women reported nighttime travel as most dangerous and drunken passengers as the most unpredictable and annoying. The responses of some of the women are para- phrased below. A woman reported how distraught she was when an old man inappropriately touched her one morning on her way to a tutoring class. A middle-aged man groped the same woman in the bus and she confronted him. Another woman described a drunken man’s inappropri- ate behavior toward her while boarding a bus. One of the respondents talked about an incident when she was in ninth grade. She recalled a man in a wheelchair grop- ing her. She shouted at the man and he verbally assaulted her back, leaving her emotionally distraught. Traveling at night is the worst, as many women become easy targets. Women develop strategies to pro- tect themselves from verbal and physical assaults while traveling. One woman shared that once traveling in a train late in the night she was being verbally harassed by a group of young men. To avoid being singled out as a target she struck up conversations with families traveling in the same car; this strategy worked. Strategies to Cope and Confront Several questions were asked to elicit information about how the respondents confront or cope with harass- ment in public places. more than 80% of the women surveyed acknowledged that their parents and other family members were concerned about their safety. Of the respondents, only 18% were willing to pay more to avoid harassment; most of the surveyed women (80%) have not changed their mode of travel, but they prefer to travel in groups (58.5%); dress modestly (60%); and avoid crowded buses where physical assaults (brushing past or groping) routinely occur. verbal harassment has been accepted as a daily annoy- ance by 59% of the respondents who have learned to ignore it; however, many have described these incidents to their families. It is important to note that only 11% sought assistance from the police and only 8% asked a ticket checker in the bus to intervene on their behalf. Only 22% found the police helpful when they sought assistance, although 44% of them found ticket check- ers or conductors helpful when they sought assistance. Explanations in the open-ended questions in the survey showed that the women who report to the police (who are mostly men) have not found them sympathetic to their complaints. very few (12%) agreed or strongly agreed that they confronted the perpetrators or assisted others (16%) being harassed, belong to antiharassment organization (12.9%), or blog their experiences (2.6%). The surveyed women (55%) prefer to travel in groups to avoid harassment; 70% acknowledge traveling with a male companion, usually a relative, to reduce the threat of physical harassment. Although more half the women surveyed have learned to ignore the harassment and have not confronted the perpetrators personally, 28% of them carry weapons of some sort for protection. Those who carried weapons strongly correlated with those who have not changed what they wear (r = .244, p = .001); belong to antiharass- .00 .50 1.00 1.50 2.00 2.50 3.00 2.02Train—women only 2.54Train—no restrictions 2.05Bus—women only 2.63Bus—no restriction 2.19Walking—daytime 2.32Walking—evening 2.33Waiting at bus stop 2.19Walking—daytime FIGURE 2 Means of paired responses for modes based on where survey respondents most fear harassment. Paired t-test significant (p = .001) for trains and buses with or without restrictions and walking by time of day.

79UnDERSTAnDInG THE pROBLEm OF “EvE TEASInG” In InDIA ment organizations (r = .385, p = .000); blogged about their harassment (r = .228, p = .001); confronted those who had harassed them (r = .273, p = .001); helped oth- ers being harassed (r = .254, p = .001); or sought assis- tance from police (r = .257, p = .001) and ticket checkers (r = .324, p = .001). Why Do Men Harass? Survey respondents’ opinions were sought on why men harass. A series of statements were provided based on a literature review on factors contributing to male harass- ment in public places. The surveyed responses either agreed or disagreed (coded 1 or 0, respectively) with these statements. Their responses to the statements were dif- ferentiated by their exposure to harassment (affirmative or negative to Eve teasing) in Table 2. There was general agreement among respondents for certain statements that explained the reasons for male harassment such as influence of peer and movies regardless of their exposure to Eve teasing. Other relevant statements included male- dominated society, sexual perversion, form of enjoyment, lack of self-control, women do not report crime, and women are afraid to speak out (see Table 2 and Table 3 for the percentages). Some differences in responses were based on experiences with harassment, as shown in Table 2. Those who indicated not being exposed to harassment had lower means than those who had experienced it. An independent sample t-test was performed comparing the means of responses for the statement about the influence of male-dominated society on harassment between those who were exposed to harassment (m = .592, SD = .493) and those who were not (m = .435, SD = .500). The test was found to be statistically significant at t(202) = .207, p = .05. The mean of responses for “women are afraid to speak out” between those who were exposed to harass- ment (m = .641, SD = .481) and those who were not (m TABLE 2 Comparison of Means from Survey Question “Why Do Men Harass?” Why Do men Harass? Have You Been Eve Teased? mean Std. Dev. Significant Difference Influenced by their friends no 0.613 0.491 Yes 0.66 0.476 more men in public places no 0.164 0.373 Yes 0.225 0.419 Influenced by movies no 0.661 0.477 Yes 0.711 0.455 Unemployed men act out frustrations no 0.258 0.441 Yes 0.345 0.477 Street culture of harassment pervasive no 0.113 0.319 t(152) 5 22.22 p 5 .028 Yes 0.232 0.424 Sexual perversion no 0.532 0.503 Yes 0.606 1.085 male-dominated society no 0.435 0.5 t(202) 5 22.07 p 5 .040 Yes 0.592 0.493 Conservative upbringing no 0.048 0.216 Yes 0.134 0.342 Able to get away without punishment no 0.258 0.441 t(131) 5 22.85 p 5 .005 Yes 0.458 0.5 mental disorder no 0.387 0.491 t(202) 5 22.91 p 5 .004 Yes 0.197 0.399 Unhappy marriage no 0.323 0.471 Yes 0.282 0.451 Form of enjoyment no 0.565 0.5 Yes 0.754 1.216 Lack of education no 0.371 0.487 Yes 0.458 0.5 Lack of self-control no 0.516 0.504 Yes 0.577 0.496 men are superior no 0.355 0.482 Yes 0.458 0.5 Women don’t report crime no 0.403 0.495 Yes 0.528 0.501 Women are afraid to speak out no 0.452 0.502 t(202) 5 22.549 p 5 .012 Yes 0.641 0.481 Women like to be center of attention no 0.161 0.371 t(202) 5 22.511 p 5 .013 Yes 0.331 0.472 Women encourage by dressing provocatively no 0.18 0.388 t(201) 5 22.657 p 5 .009 Yes 0.366 0.483 Only way working-class men can get the attention of educated well-dressed women no 0.097 0.298 Yes 0.136 0.344 Note: Std. Dev. = standard deviation.

80 WOmEn’S ISSUES In TRAnSpORTATIOn, vOLUmE 2 = .452, SD = .502) was also significant at t(202) = .255, p = .05. Other statistically significant differences were observed. Women who were harassed had a higher mean for “women like to be center of attention” (m = .331, SD = .472) and “women like to dress provocatively” (m = .366, SD = .483) than those who were not exposed to harassment (m = .161, SD = .371 and m = .180, SD = .388, respectively). Women who were not Eve teased reported a higher mean (m = .387, SD = .491) than those who were (m = .197, SD = .399); this was also statisti- cally significant at t(202) = –2.91, p = .01. Women not exposed to sexual harassment had a lower mean (m = .258, SD = .441) than those who confirmed they were (m = .458, SD = .500) for the statement “men are able to get away without punishment” and was statistically significant at t(131) = 2.85, p = .01. Opinions About the Effects of Eve Teasing One of the open-ended questions asked the women to share their thoughts on Eve teasing and how it has affected their life, work, and travel. The women who shared their feelings indicated their sense of despair, anger, and hopelessness with the unequal status of women in public places. While the question about sexual harassment at work was not directly asked, some of the women alluded to that also. Some of their comments are included below. Eve teasing causes depression because I cannot talk with my parents. It impacts my study because I am depressed thinking about these incidents. I no longer travel alone. In the nighttime, I travel with my parents or friends. Sexual harassment has affected many women who work in the evening. They have faced a lot of prob- lems but they cannot share the problems with their parents and husbands. I have experienced Eve teasing in my college days. After 30 years no improvement at all, and the situ- ation is worse. I try to help young girls who are prey to Eve teasing. Eve teasing has become a major threat to women. Whatever changes we make in our travel or even in our dressing, Eve teasing will still continue because men cannot change their dirty thoughts. In India, Eve teasing is high compared to other nations. It is because of our culture (male dominance) and lack of proper security for women. Unless this doesn’t change Eve teasing will continue to prevail. Eve teasing is worst part in any woman’s life. I don’t travel in crowded buses and that makes my travel quite a bit more expensive. Women face a lot of trouble during travel and work. Women should be equal to men. Eve teasing is affecting women’s mind and discour- aging them from traveling late in the night and early in the morning. Suggestions by Respondents The surveyed women offered a variety of suggestions to reduce the incidence of harassment. The most important suggestion was increasing the number and frequency of special buses for women.4 A few respondents wanted more cars for women in the commuter trains. Women wanted more security at bus stops, and they also wanted a regular police presence inside the buses. The need for female police in the railways and in the transit system was suggested by many of the respondents. There were also suggestions for women drivers and ticket checkers in buses and a help line accessible from different locations in the city, suburbs, and rural areas. 4 There are women-only sections in the buses, usually on the left side. In trains there are seats assigned for women. men may use the seats when they are vacant, and while some relinquish them when women board the train, others refuse to yield. TABLE 3 Percentages of Responses to Statements That Contribute to Male Harassment Why Do men Harass? Agreed with Statement (%) Influenced by movies 69.6 Influenced by their friends 64.5 Form of enjoyment 62.7 Women are afraid to speak out 58.3 Lack of self control 55.9 male-dominated society 54.4 Sexual perverts 52.5 Women don’t report crime 49 Lack of education 43.1 Unhappy marriage 43 men are superior 42.6 Able to get away without punishment 39.7 Unemployed men act out frustrations 31.9 Women encourage by dressing provocatively 31 Women like to be center of attention 27.9 mental disorder 25.5 more men in the public place 20.7 Street culture of harassment pervasive 19.6 Only way working-class men can get the attention of educated well-dressed women 12.4

81UnDERSTAnDInG THE pROBLEm OF “EvE TEASInG” In InDIA diScuSSion of findingS In the West, streetcars ushered mobility and freedom to travel longer distances, but the journeys on these public modes of transport were far from enjoyable for women. A Harper’s Illustrated Weekly from 1871 accu- rately captured the uncertainties and discomfort faced by women. The cartoon showed two women confronting an unpleasant conductor of a streetcar labeled “pickpock- et’s paradise” while men sitting in the car leer at them. The sign in the front of the car emphasized the condi- tions inside by using the words Dante saw inscribed over the gates of Hell: “All Hope Abandon, Ye Who Enter Here” (Brooks 1997, 9). The plight of women travelers described by Brooks (1997) is still faced by women com- muters in India. The sexual harassment of Indian women in public places is named and culturally constructed as Eve teas- ing. The semantic root of the term Eve as a temptress not only trivializes the issue (Gangoli 2007) but also places the blame on women. The conservative rhetoric has led to colleges enforcing dress codes banning western wear. A principal in a June 2009 interview with a Times of India journalist supported the dress code, stating Western dresses, including body-hugging tops and tight-fitting jeans, don’t indicate a disciplined atmo- sphere and attract comments from Eve-teasers. We can’t overlook the safety of students. A dress code would check Eve teasing to some extent and also ensure that girls don’t waste their time selecting what clothes to wear. Section 509 of the Indian penal Code (IpC) criminal- izes behavior that insults the modesty of any woman through words or gestures, and Section 354 IpC crimi- nalizes “assault or criminal force to a woman with the intention to outrage her modesty.” In addition, Section 209 IpC criminalizes obscene acts and songs. These penal code provisions, which date back to the 19th century, have been found to be inadequate by feminists (Ashby 1992 cited by Gangoli 2007, 63). Baxi (2001) has further asserted that the assault reports are open to interpretation by police, and the inclusion of the term Eve teasing associated with IpC 354 devalues the legal offense. There has been severe criticism from Indian women’s movements that women’s complaints of sexual harassment are routinely disbelieved. Law enforcement’s refusal to file complaints has been documented as a seri- ous problem by victim–survivors. Thus the decline in reported crime, as shown by the statistics for Chennai between 2002 and 2005 (Figure 3), is not necessarily an indication of good policing or a genuine reduction in the incidence of harassment (Baxi 2001). The unwillingness of the surveyed respondents to report harassment to the police also testifies to the same. India now boasts some of the more advanced legislation granting equality rights to women, but the laws are virtually unenforceable in the patriarchal and hierarchal society in India (Hale 1989). Planning and Design Issues Eve teasing acts as a control on most women by impeding their general mobility and accessibility to public spaces. Unlike men, women find their personal spaces frequently invaded by verbal and physical assaults that have a pro- found effect on their sense of security (Hammer and Saunders, cited by valentine 1989, 386) Harassment heightens dependency on men for protection in public places. Furthermore, victims are often blamed for being in dangerous places or wearing inappropriate clothes. many women blame themselves and remain silent or develop coping and avoidance strategies that limit their freedom of movement and ability to seek economic inde- pendence. Baxi (2001) found many women internalize 0 200 400 600 800 1,000 1,200 2002 (a) (b) 2003 2004 2005 2002 42% 2003 31% 2004 23% 2005 4% FIRs Convicted FIGURE 3 Graphs showing (a) FIR (first informational report and conviction rates) and convicted and (b) percentage convicted (Mohan 2006).

82 WOmEn’S ISSUES In TRAnSpORTATIOn, vOLUmE 2 the idea that Eve teasing is normal, harmless, and often deserved. Although crime prevention through environmental design is well-developed for the sociocultural require- ments of western countries, it is still in its infancy for South Asian countries. Indian planners have relied on convenient crime-prevention rhetoric (avoid, ignore, travel in groups, and dress modestly) as ways to address crime against women. Such rhetoric has perpetuated male domination of public space and imposed a “virtual curfew” on women (pain 1991 cited by Koskela 1999, 113). Daytime is found to be safe for women in western countries (Kinsey 1984 cited by pain 1997, 234; Koskela 1999), but unfortunately the same does not hold true in India. The survey found women commuters face harass- ment regardless of time of day, although nighttime was particularly dangerous. Grassroots Activism In A Spatial Exploration of the Accessibility of Low- Income Women: Chengdu, China and Chennai, India, Srinivasan (2008) is critical about the transportation planning that is most sought after in Chennai (construct- ing new roads or overpasses as a way of lowering overall travel times) with very little thought to improve local accessibility that would benefit low-income households and women, who have to walk or bike for both work and nonwork activities. There is a growing discontent with the status quo among women, as mirrored in this statement by neena, a media professional: “I have got sick of depending on family to pick me up and drop me. I want to be able to be independent. I want to be able to walk the street wear- ing whatever I want without worrying.”5 In different cit- ies of India, the younger generation has been creating antiharassment organizations. One such organization that has been embraced by college students and young professionals is the Blank noise project. Blank noise, which was Jasmeen patheja’s final-year diploma proj- ect, was a reaction to her personal experience in public spaces. The outcome of these experiences was channeled through her artistic self-expressions, which have given a voice to women who have been harassed.6 The messages and her public art form have spread to different cities in India where women routinely organize public events, march together reclaiming their right to public spaces, or display clothes in which they were harassed at publicized 5 Women Take to Streets to Stake Claim to Their Rights, The Hindu, Sept. 17, 2006. http://www.hindu.com/2006/09/17/stories/ 2006091711180300.htm. 6 Incidents of harassment with photos are shown in http://www.flickr .com/photos/blanknoisethisplace/3019956499/in/photostream/. events. The extent to which the Blank noise project’s events and workshops have induced self-confidence and made women feel more confident in public spaces is the most intangible and least documented part of the project (Blank noise project). Although the Blank noise proj- ect has empowered women to speak out against male aggression, it is important to note that among the survey participants, less than 5% blogged or were involved in antiharassment groups. concluSion This preliminary survey was exploratory, and there is a clear need to develop a comprehensive survey to adminis- ter to many more women in different Indian cities. There is also a clear need to initiate gender-based planning to integrate crime-prevention design into transportation planning. One area that comes to mind is the design of buses. The doorways of buses are narrow, but passen- gers routinely alight and board at the same time (Fig- ure 4). Restricting movement—i.e., by passengers first alighting and then boarding—would reduce deliberate “brushing past.” FIGURE 4 Although bus doors are narrow, riders alight and board simultaneously, allowing deliberate brushing past (photo by P. Partheeban).

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