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I I Sex Typing in Occupational Socialization MARGARET MOONEY MARE and MARY C. BRINTON The existence of sex segregation in the labor market is well documented (Gross, 1968; U. S. President's Council of Economic Advisors, 1973; Blau, 1977; Williams, 1976, 1979; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1978; Blau and Hendricks, 19791. Women tend to be concentrated in a relatively small num- ber of"female" occupations, whereas men are employed in a wider variety of"male" occupations. More than 40 percent offemale workers are employed in the 10 occupations employing the largest number of women, whereas less than 20 percent of male work- ers are employed in the 10 occupations em- ploying the largest number of men (U.S. Department of Labor, 19751. Women are overrepresented in clerical, sales, and serv- ice jobs; in a few professional and technical jobs (e.g., elementary and secondary school teacher, registered nurse, librarian, social worker, medical and dental technician); and in such jobs as machine operative, where they assemble or inspect goods, operate sewing and other machines, and work as packers and wrappers. Men are overrepre- sented in managerial, crafts, labor, and farm jobs and in most professional and technical jobs. Despite a substantial increase in the 192 labor force participation of women over the last several decades (Oppenheimer, 1970; U.S. Department of Labor, 1977), the amount of sex segregation in the labor market has decreased little (England, 1981a). As re- cently as 1976, more than two-thirds of one sex would have had to change occupations to make the occupational distributions of the two sexes equal (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1978). Three major types of explanations for sex segregation in the labor market have been advanced: (1) explanations focusing on em- ployer demands, (2) explanations focusing on legal and institutional barriers within the workplace, and (3) explanations focusing on worker characteristics. The first two locate the source of sex segregation within the workplace. It has been hypothesized, for ex- ample, that exclusionary behavior by em- ployers results in the overcrowding of women in a limited set of occupations and that this overcrowding reduces the wages of women in those occupations relative to the wages of the nonrestricted group of men (Berg- mann, 1971, 19741. It has also been hy- pothesized that the structure of the labor market, which includes occupations filled
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION - 193 from external sources through the recruit- ment of new workers ant! occupations filled from internal sources through the promo- tion of in-house workers, creates institu- tional barriers in the process of job assign- ment and promotion that disadvantage women (Doeringer and Piore, 1971; Blau and Jusenius, 19761. Sex segregation in the labor market has been argued to occur at least in part as a result of"statistical dis- crimination," whereby indivicluals are judged on the basis of the perceived average char- acteristics of the group to which they belong (Thurow, 1975:170-81~. Since, on the av- erage, women are viewed as differing from men in their ability to perform certain types of jobs and in their attachment to the labor market, sex is user] as a basis for "statistical discrimination" in the allocation of individ- uals to jobs. In contrast to explanations of sex segre- gation that focus on the actions of employers and the structure of the labor market, a thircl set of explanations focuses on the charac- teristics of workers. These explanations at- tribute sex segregation to sex differences in individuals, including occupational prefer- ences, skills, and other personal attributes. Women anal men are hypothesizer} to be employed in different occupations because they choose different occupations and be- cause they are differentially qualified for various types of jobs. This paper examines the explanations for sex segregation that focus on the character- istics of workers entering the labor market. The first section outlines general theories of occupational choice and points to the need to consider sex-role socialization as an input to these theories. The second section pre- sents evidence on the existence of sex dif- ferences prior to labor market entry in sev- eral areas relevant to occupational attainment, including occupational preferences, knowl- edge, values, skills, and dispositional traits. In the third] section, we examine the so- cialization practices that appear to produce these sex differences prior to labor market entry, focusing primarily on socialization practices in the family ant] school but also considering messages conveyed by the mass merlin and employment experiences prior to leaving school. In the final section, we dis- cuss the role that socialization can be inter- preted to play in producing sex segregation in the labor market. THEORIES OF OCCUPATIONAL CHOICE AND SEX-ROLE SOCIALIZATION This section provides an overview of the theoretical bases on which sex differences in occupational orientation and job-relevant traits have been assumed to arise. We begin by outlining general theories of occupational choice that have emerged in various disci- plines. Since the prediction of sex differ- ences in outcomes using these theories re- quires prior knowledge that the two sexes differ on various inputs, we discuss theories of sex-role socialization. These latter theo- ries, advanced primarily by psychologists, constitute the basis on which sex differences can be predicted by general theories of oc- cupational choice. Theories of Occupational Choice General theories of occupational choice abound. Developmental theories such as those of Ginsberg et al. (1951) and Super (1953, 1957) describe the process of occu- pational selection in terms of general con- cepts of human development. Based on the principles of clevelopmental psychology, oc- cupational choices are viewed as developing gradually over time in a series of stages. Personality-basecI theories, such as Hol- land's (1959, 1966, 1973) typology theory, describe career orientations and prefer- ences in terms of personality types. Still other psychological theories involve specific ap- plications of general behavior theory. In Krumboltz's Social Learning Theory of Ca- reer Selection (Krumboltz et al., 1976; Mitchell et al., 1975), occupational decisions
194 MARGARET MOONEY MAR1NI AND MARY C. BRINTON are viewed as an outcome of a lifelong series of learned responses. Other applications of general behavior theory focus more on in- formation processing. The decision theories of Vroom (1964) and Kalclor and Zytowski (1969), for example, are concerned with the process of decision making based on the ex- pected consequences of alternative deci- sions. We logic-flow theories of Hilton (1962) and Herchenson and Roth (1966) deal with the steps individuals go through in arriving at decisions. Sociological work on occupa- tional choice, which has arisen out of the study of social stratification, focuses pri- marily on the status dimensions of occupa- tions (e.g., Blau and Duncan, 1967; Sewell et al., 1969, 19701. Work by economists gen- erally involves specific applications of gen- eral theories of utility maximization, partic- ularly the theory of human capital, according to which occupational selection implies varying amounts of investment in human capital and affects returns on the investment (Becker, 19641. In and of themselves, these general the- ories do not explain why males and females select different occupations. Unless the two sexes differ on the independent variables used as inputs to these theories, sex differ- ences in occupational choice are not pre- dicted. For example, unless the develop- mental experiences of the sexes diner, developmental and social learning theories of occupational choice do not predict sex differences in occupational selection. Simi- larly, unless the aclult role expectations of the sexes differ, psychological and economic theories of decision making do not predict sex differences in occupational selection. In short, regardless of which general theory is used, the prediction of sex differences in outcomes requires the input of additional information that the sexes differ on variables predicting occupational choice. Attempts to use general theories to under- stand why males and females select different occupations have actually been quite lim- ited. The most extensive applications have been those of human capital theory. Under the assumption that individuals seek to max- imize expected lifetime earnings, econo- mists have used human capital theory to ar- gue that sex differences in expected lifetime labor force participation produce sex differ- ences in occupational choice. Specifically, Polachek (1976, 1979, 1981) has argued that sex segregation in the labor market arises because women's expectations of intermit- tency in employment cause them to choose occupations in which the amount of depre- ciation in earnings during periods of absence from the labor force is low. Zellner (1975), on the other hand, has argued that sex seg- regation arises because women's expecta- tions of intermittence in employment cause them to choose occupations with high start- ing wages but low wage appreciation. In either case, it is implied that women tend to enter occupations that require few skills and provide little opportunity for increases in productivity through experience. Critics of these neoclassical economic ex- planations of sex segregation have pointed to a number of theoretical problems. One is that both male ant] female occupations require Mitering amounts and types of skill. Women and men are employed in occupa- tions of each skill type, and within each type some occupations are more often entered by women than by men. Women's lower expected lifetime labor force participation explains only the greater tendency of women to be in jobs requiring low skill, not the concentration of women in a small number of female occupations within each skill type (Blau and Jusenius, 1976~. Within the hu- man capital framework, the pattern of sex segregation existing in the labor market can be accounted for only by an extreme distri- bution of women's "tastes." Another prob- lem is that the causal direction of the rela- tionship between occupational outcomes and labor force attachment is ambiguous. Al- though it may be that those who anticipate being out of the labor force for a substantial amount of time initially select low-wage oc- cupations, it may also be that those who spend a lot of time out of the labor force
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 195 wind up in low-wage occupations as a result (Welch, 1979~. Recently, direct tests of the assumptions underlying human capital explanations have presented some disconfirming evidence. England (1982) shows that predominantly female occupations do not penalize inter- mittency less than male occupations and that women expecting fairly constant employ- ment are no more likely to choose male oc- cupations than women planning intermit- tent employment. England (1981b) further shows that women have higher lifetime earnings if they are employed in predomi- nantly male occupations, a finding that does not support the contention that women max- imize lifetime earnings by choosing female occupations. Given the lack of empirical support for human capital explanations of occupational segregation by sex, other ex- planations must be sought. It is possible that other general theories of occupational choice may be more successful than the human cap- ital approach in accounting for sex differ- ences in occupational outcomes, but these theories have not yet been applied to the study of sex differences. Since all general theories of occupational choice require the existence of sex differ- ences on predictor variables in order to gen- erate predictions of sex differences in oc- cupational choice, we now turn to a discussion of theories of sex-role socialization. These theories provide a basis for understanding the developmental process by which most sex differences in behavior emerge. Theories of Sex-Role Socialization Theories of sex-role socialization explain the process by which individuals learn the behavior that a culture defines as appropri- ate for their sex. The theories differ pri- marily in Me mechanism by which sex-typed behavior is hypothesized to be learned. Be- low we describe the major theories of sex- role socialization, including (1) social learn- ing theories, (2) cognitive developmental theories, (3) information processing theo- ries, and (4) identification theories. After ex- amining the sex-role socialization process, we consider the content of what is trans- mitted via that process. That is, we examine the gender-linked behavior patterns that are learned ant] discuss the division of labor be- tween the sexes that constitutes the basis for many sex differences in behavior, atti- tudes, and personality. Social Learning Theories Two basic learning processes, operant conditioning and observational learning, are at the heart of social learning theories. These theories are based primarily on a mechanistic mode} (Reese and Overton, 1970~. Sex-typed be- havior is seen as resulting from the fact that reinforcement contingencies depend on the sex of the responder. That is, girls and boys are reinforced or punished for different kinds of behavior, and male and female models display different kincis of behavior. One ma- jor tenet of social learning theory is that sex- typed behavior need not be consistent across situations but depends on the social context in which it occurs. The bases of sex typing are viewed as arising in the social environ- ment, not the organism, so that relatively rapid changes can occur if learning condi- tions are altered. Sex-role learning is as- sumed to take place continuously, although the majority occurs during early childhood. Cognitive social learning theories use ad- ditional constructs to describe the internal mental processes that mediate learning, but cognitions play a secondary role, and sex typing is conceptualized primarily as a set of behavioral responses. An extensive dis- cussion of social learning theory is contained in Mische} (19701. Cognitive Developmental Theories . . ~ ~ ~ Cog- nitive aeve~opmentai theories derive from Piagets theoretical framework for under- standing child development. Unlike social learning theories, they are based primarily on an organismic mode} (Reese and Over- ton, 19701. Cognitive processes are viewed as ongoing processes of change. It is as-
196 - MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON sumed that children play an active role in their own development, motivated by a de- sire for competence and mastery over their world. The child's concepts about masculin- ity, femininity, ant] sex appropriateness, rather than the child's sex-typed behavior, are at the core of sex typing. Such concepts or schema constitute organizing rubrics for the selection of information from the envi- ronment and for active processing of that input. Developmental changes in sex typing are assumed to go hand in hand with general developmental changes in cognitive pro- cesses. To the extent that these changes are inherent in the organism, changes in sex typing are governed by maturational, inter- nal variables in interaction with the social environment. Thus, these theories propose organismic as well as environmental influ- ences on sex typing, and most therefore sug- gest some limits to the degree and rapidity with which sex typing can be changed (Hus- ton, in press). Among the most prominent cognitive developmental theories are those proposed by Kolberg (1966), Block (1973), Pleck (1975), and Rebecca et al. (19761. Information Processing Theories Theo- ries of information processing schema are a hybrid set of theories based on information processing constructs (Huston, in press). They emphasize schemes as cognitive struc- tures that guide and organize an individual's perception. The schemes are anticipatory mechanisms that cause an individual to search for certain information and to be ready to process it. Information inconsistent with the schema may be ignored or transformed. Models of sex typing based on information processing have been proposed recently by Bem (1981) and Martin and Halverson (19811. In these models sex stereotypes serve as schemes for organizing and structuring so- cial information. Although schema theories are similar to cognitive developmental the- ories in focusing on cognitive processes that are active and constructive, they differ in that developmental processes are not em- phasized as the source of schemes or the means of changing them. The cultural em- phasis on gender rather than physical sex differences is what is seen as making gender salient. identification Theories Freudian psy- choanalytical theory is the basis for all iden- tification theories of sex-role learning. In classical Freudian theory, masculinity and femininity are acquired through a process of identification resulting from castration fear on the part of the male child and castration anxiety on the part of the female child. A1- though more recent theories of identification do not place as much emphasis on sexual mo- tivation, identification with the same-sex par- ent continues to be viewed as an important basis for the development of permanent and global sex differences in personality. Patterns of behavior are assumed to be integrated, so that a child who is feminine in one situation is feminine in another. In recent years, cIas- sical theories of identification have fallen into disfavor, and theorists now emphasize paren- tal identification less, viewing parents as one of many socializing influences (Huston, in press). However, there is little empirical evi- dence to support either the existence of iden- tification or the contention that it accounts for sex-role learning (Parsons, 19781. Some reformulations of psychoanalytic theory have been undertaken by feminists. These focus on envy of women's childbear- ing capacity and caretaking role as the rea- son for devaluation of the mother and of women in general (Homey, 1932; Klein, 1957; Lerner, 1974, 1978; Chodorow, 19781. Because the mother as primary caregiver is perceived as all powerful, men are hy- pothesized to develop envy, fear, and anger in a struggle to free themselves from her. According to Choclorow (1978), they gen- erally come to see themselves as more dis- tinct from others as a result. It is suggested that this basis for sex-role differentiation could be altered if the caretaking of young chil- dren were shared by males and females. Again, empirical evidence is lacking to sup-
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 197 port these reformulations as the basis for sex typing. Next we consider the sex-typed content of what is transmitted via sex-role sociali- zation. Although the division of labor be- tween the sexes forms the basis for many sex differences in behavior, we present evi- dence to indicate that it alone does not ac- count for all gender-based behavior patterns transmitted through socialization, including the segregation of women and men within the workplace. Sex-Role Differentiation Children learn the behavior that is appropriate for their sex via the process of sex-role socialization. Al- though this learning may occur in a variety of ways, the content of what is learned de- pends on the association of gender with par- ticular types of behavior in the culture in which a child is raised. A gender-based di- vision of labor exists to some extent in all societies and forms the basis for many of the sex differences in behavior, attitudes, and personality that are transmitted via sociali- zation. In industrialized societies such as the United States, the sexual division of labor between the market and the home has im- portant implications for the occupational ori- entation and preparation of the sexes prior to entry into the job market. For the most part, men are expected to support the family financially, and women take the major re- sponsibility for home management, child care, and catering to the emotional needs of the family. This division of labor results in essential consistency between men's familial and occupational roles but produces conflict between the familial role of women and their participation in the labor market. Fulfill- ment of familial role responsibilities com- petes with work outside the home for the limited supply of a woman's time, energy, and emotional commitment. Even the entry of increasing numbers of women into the labor force has not changed this fundamental division of labor. Changes in conceptions of the female role have re- sulted primarily in the need for choice re- garding employment outside the home, a choice usually based on the decision of whether to add a new role to the traditional homemaker role rather than whether to sub- stitute a new role for the old one (Poloma and Garland, 1971; Bahr, 1974; Vanek, 1974; Walker and Woods, 1976; Robinson, 1977; Berk and Berk, 1979~. Because of the con- flict between fulf~Iment of familial role re- sponsibilities and work outside the home, women's investment in family roles nega- tively affects their labor force participation and employment in high-status occupations (Ross), 1965; Sweet, 1973; Waite, 1976; Smith-Lovin and Tickamyer, 1978; Marini, 19801. Differences in the occupational orienta- tions and skills of the two sexes can be ex- pected to arise as a consequence of the sex difference in consistency between familial and occupational roles. Women are more likely to view their work outside the home as a job than as a lifetime career and to choose jobs that permit better coordination of their responsibilities in the home with their employment (Ross), 1965; Perucci, 19701. Because women are less likely to ex- pect to work throughout their adult lives and to be the primary wage earners (Turner, 1964), their occupational interests focus less than men's on the monetary and status di- mensions of jobs and tend to parallel their family functions, often involving an orien- tation toward helping others (Witty and Lehman, 1930; Singer and Stefflre, 1954; O'Hara, 1962; Lueptow, 1980; Herzog, 19821. ~ The sexual division of labor between the market and the home and its effect on the sex difference in consistency between ~ It should be noted that the lower wages paid to women and typically associated with women's jobs are a cause as well as a result of women's orientation toward employment. Women may not seek to satisfy material ambitions through their own occupations because the incomes they can expect to receive are so low; however, because most women do not rely on their own occu- pations for full material support, they are not as likely to expect or demand higher wages.
198 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON familial and occupational roles may also be samples of college-educatecI women, in con- seen as promoting the development of dif- trast, has indicated that married women and ferent personality characteristics and abili- ties in the two sexes. Males are socialized to be assertive, authoritative, and compe- tent in occupational skills, whereas females are socialized to be nurturant, deferent, and competent in domestic skills (Oetzel, 1966; Maccoby and lacklin, 1974; Block, 1976; Tavris and Offir, 1977; Frieze et al., 1978~. The extent to which women's familial role responsibilities account for sex segregation in the labor market remains an open ques- tion. It can be argued that women's invest- ment in family roles affects the probability of their employment in female-typecI jobs for several reasons. First, women's invest- ment in family roles may affect the status of the occupations they hold. Consequently, there may be a relationship between the status and sex type of occupations, with high- status occupations more often being tradi- tionally male. Second, female jobs may have characteristics, such as greater flexibility of working hours, that make them easier to combine with family responsibilities. Third, women who invest relatively more in family roles may have traditional attitudes that cause them to select female occupations more often than male occupations. Research bearing on the relationship be- tween women's investment in family roles ant! the sex type of the jobs they hold sug- gests that the relationship differs depending on whether a woman has a college ecluca- tion. As inclicated earlier, England (1982) found that women expecting constant em- ployment (as measured by familial role sta- tus) were no more likely to choose male oc- cupations than women planning intermittent employment. Englancl's analysis was based on a sample covering the full range of var- iation in education. Analyzing a sample re- strictec] to women who did not go to college, Hofferth (1980a) also found that marital sta- tus and children had no effect on the sex type of jobs held by women three, five, and ten years after high school. Research on , , _ women with a relatively large number of children are less likely to be employed in male occupations (Almquist and Angrist, 1970; Klemmack and Edwards, 1973; Bielby, 1978a; Brito and Jusenius, 1978; Daymont and Tsai, 19811. These findings suggest that a relationship between women's investment in family roles and the sex type of their oc- cupations exists only at the upper end of the education distribution. Such a relationship is likely to arise because a relationship be- tween the status and sex type of occupations exists at the upper end of the education dis- tribution, where male occupations tend to be of higher status than female occupations. Women's fulfillment of traditional family re- sponsibilities interferes with employment in high-status mate occupations, which place heavier demands on their incumbents and are, therefore, less easy to combine with traditional family responsibilities. The sexual division of labor between the home and the job market may, therefore, be seen as forming the basis for many sex differences in behavior that are transmitted via socialization, including sex differences in job-relevant skills and dispositional traits. However, this fundamental division of labor cannot account for all sex differences trans- mitted via socialization. Some sex differ- ences, including the tendency for males and females to be employed in different occu- pations, have other origins. Regardless of its origins, gender-linked behavior is transmit- ted via sex-role socialization. Thus, because the occupational world is sex segregated, children learn to view some occupations as appropriate for their sex and others as in- appropriate (Looft, 1971a,b; SchIossberg and Goodman, 1972; Siegel, 1973; Shepard and Hess, 1975; Heilman, 1979). Biological Components of Sex Typing Many theorists have proposed that sex differences in behavior are at least partially
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 199 due to genetic, biochemical, and anatomical differences between the sexes. It is gener- ally agreed that an either/or position con- cerning the effects of biology and sociaTi- zation is too simplistic and that the important question focuses on the relative role of these two types of influences in determining sex- typed behavior. Although the role played by biology is unknown, evidence from three types of studies suggests that socialization rather than biology is the source of most sex differences in behavior, particularly those that are likely to have a bearing on occu- pational orientation and performance. First, studies of hermaphrodites, whose gender is biologically ambiguous, indicate that the gender according to which a child is reared is more important for the development of gender identity than genes or gonads (Money and Ehrhardt, 19721. Second, cross-cultural studies of sex-typed behavior indicate that many personality traits, activities, and oc- cupations that are labeled feminine in one society are labeled masculine in another (Mead, 1935; McClelland, 1976; Tavris and Odor, 19771. Third, studies of sex differences in infancy, when the effects of culture are minimal, rarely find sex differences in be- havior (Maccoby and lacklin, 1974~. Al- though it is difficult to document sex differ- ences in infants for methodological reasons (Block, 1976) and some biologically based sex differences do not emerge until later ages- the fact that sex differences are rarely found in infants does not support the view that sex differences are biologically deter- mined (Maccoby and lacklin, 1974; Frieze et al., 1978~. Not only is the role of biology in the de- termination of sex differences in various types of abilities and dispositional traits an open question, but the extent to which jobs that are thought to require sex-related traits ac- tually do require those traits is unknown. Consequently, the extent to which biology may affect sex segregation in the labor mar- ket via its effects on the characteristics of workers is unknown. Since there is evidence to suggest that biology may play a small role in the determination of most sex differences, and since it seems likely that the extent to which one sex is better suited to perform sex-typed jobs has been greatly exagger- ated, the role of biology in the determina- tion of occupational segregation by sex is indeed likely to be small. Summary Theories used to predict occupational choice in various disciplines do not predict sex differences in occupational choice unless information that the sexes differ on variables used to make the prediction is available. Theories of sex-role socialization advanced within psychology constitute the primary basis on which sex differences in occupa- tional orientation and job-relevant skills are viewed as arising over the early stages of the life course. These theories describe the process by which gender-linked behavior is learned. Biology also plays a role in the de- termination of some sex differences in be- havior, but the fact that biologically based sex differences may have little bearing on occupational performance suggests that the effect of biology on occupational choice is small. SEX DIFFERENCES IN OCCUPATIONAL ORIENTATION PRIOR TO LABOR FORCE ENTRY As a result of sex-role socialization, sex differences in occupational orientation and preparation arise prior to entry into the la- bor market. This section examines the de- gree to which occupational aspirations and expectations prior to labor market entry are sex typed and considers the probable rela- tionship between this sex typing and sub- sequent sex segregation in the labor market. We will also examine sex differences in knowledge of the occupational world and in occupational values held prior to labor mar- ket entry. Finally, we consider evidence
200 MARGARET MOONEY MARlNI AND MARY C. BRINTON bearing on the existence of sex differences in abilities, such as physical strength and verbal and quantitative skills, and in dis- positional traits, such as aggressiveness, so- ciability, and self-confidence. It has been argued that all of these sex differences are determinants of sex segregation in the labor market. More specifically, it has been ar- gued that women and men occupy different positions in the workplace because they choose different occupations and are differ- entially qualified for various types of jobs. Occupational Aspirations and Expectations Research on occupational aspirations and expectations held prior to labor market en- try provides strong evidence that sex dif- ferences in occupational choice exist. Young women are more likely to choose typically "female" occupations, whereas young men are more likely to choose typically "male" occupations (Stephenson, 1957; Sewell and Ornstein, 1964; Douvan and Adelson, 1966; Werts, 1966; Astin and Panos, 1969; Marini and Greenberger, 1978; Harren et al., 1979; Herzog, 19821. To examine the degree of sex segregation in aspirations for the fuD range of the Census Bureau's detailed occupa- tional categories, an index of segregation was calculated using data from the National Lon- gitudinal Survey of Young Americans (NLS). These data were collected in 1979 from a nationally representative sample of youth ages 14 to 22 and are described in detail else- where. For a measure of occupational as- pirations for age 35, the index of segregation was 61.0, indicating that 61 percent of one sex would have to change occupational as- pirations to make the aspirations ciistribu- tions of the two sexes equal. The degree of segregation in aspirations also was examined by age, but only a small change was ob- served over the age range studied. Not only are the occupational choices of youth highly differentiated by sex, but the range of choices made by females is nar- rower than the range of choices made by males (Rodman et al., 1974; Marini and Greenberger, 19781. Further analysis of the 1979 NLS data indicated that 47.5 percent of young women aspired to the 10 occupa- tions most often aspired to by women but that only 39.5 percent of young men aspired to the 10 occupations most often aspired to by men. Previous research has shown that the oc- cupational aspirations of males are also more highly sex typed than those offemales (Mar- ini and Greenberger, 1978~. This finding is confirmed by analysis of the 1979 NLS data. We divided occupations into three sex-type categories on the basis of the percentage of female incumbents in the occupation. Oc- cupations with less than 30 percent women were defined as male occupations; occupa- tions with 30 to 59 percent women were defined as sex-neutral occupations, and oc- cupations with 60 percent or more women were defined as female occupations. Based on this categorization, 86.3 percent of males aspired to male occupations, but only 4.1 percent aspired to female occupations. In contrast, 52.8 percent of females aspired to female occupations, and 34.5 percent as- pired to male occupations. Similar percent- ages of each sex (9.6 percent of males and 12.7 percent of females) aspired to sex-neu- tral occupations. These sex differences in the distribution of aspirations by sex type indicate that females are considerably more likely than males to make cross-sex occu- pational choices. Discrepancy Between Aspirations and Ex- pectations By examining both occupa- tional aspirations and expectations, some studies have attempted to sort out wishful aspirations from more realistic expectations, or plans (Burlin, 1976; Marini and Green- berger, 1978; Lueptow, 19811. Expectations are more likely to reflect perceptions of con- straints such as limited opportunities, the sex type of the job, and personal qualifica- tions. The discrepancy between aspirations
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 201 and expectations therefore provides some indication of the degree to which individuals perceive that constraints may prevent re- alization of their aspirations. Studies of both aspirations and expectations uniformly in- dicate that there is greater sex typing of oc- cupational expectations than of occupational aspirations. The most detailed study comparing the sex typing of occupational aspirations and expectations was carried out by Marini and Greenberger (1978), based on data collected from a representative sample of eleventh- grade students in Pennsylvania in 1968. In this study there was virtually no difference between the mean percentage of women employed in occupations aspired to (17 per- cent) and expected (18 percent) by boys. However, the mean percentage of women employed in occupations expected by girls (75 percent) was significantly greater than the mean percentage of women employed in the occupations girls aspired to (66 per- cent). These findings indicate that the girls expected to enter occupations that, on the average, employed a higher proportion of women than those they aspired to. Of respondents who aspired to occupa- tions in which fewer than 50 percent of the incumbents were women (i.e., maTe-domi- nated occupations), a smaller percentage of the girls (52 percent) than the boys (94 per- cent) actually expected to enter an occu- pation of this type. Of respondents aspiring to occupations in which 50 percent or more of the incumbents were women (i.e., fe- male-dominated occupations), the percent- age of the boys (78 percent) expecting to enter a female-clominated occupation was almost as high as the percentage of the girls (85 percent). In addition, only about 3 per- cent of the girls who aspired to female-dom- inated occupations, in comparison with 22 percent of the boys, expected that they would instead enter male-dominated occupations. These findings indicate that the girls were more likely to shift their aspirations from male-dominatecI occupations to expecta- tions in the femaTe-dominated category than the boys were to shift their aspirations from the female-dominated category to expecta- tions for male-dominated jobs. The girls, therefore, seemed to perceive the male- dominated jobs they aspired to as less ac- cessible than the boys perceived the female- dominated jobs they aspired to. These find- ings suggest that the sex composition of an occupation influences the degree to which girls, but not boys, expect to realize their occupational aspirations. Further support for the hypothesis that the sex type of an occupational aspiration influences the degree to which girls fee! it can be realized is available in a survey by Burlin (1976) of adolescent girls in a Syra- cuse high school. She found that more than one-half of those with discrepant occupa- tional aspirations and expectations attrib- uted the discrepancy to the fact that the occupation aspired to was an "inappropriate occupation for a female." Data from a na- tional sample of high school students col- lected in 1980 as part of the Monitoring the Future project also indicate that the girls surveyed more often perceived their sex as a barrier to fulfilling their occupational as- pirations (Bachman et al., 1980~. When asked to what extent they thought their sex would prevent them from getting the kind of work they would like to have, 87.9 percent of the males but only 66.4 percent of the females responded "not at all." Experimental re- search by Heflman (1979) provides further evidence that the sexual composition of an occupation influences the degree to which it is considered a viable career choice. R e I ~ t i 0 n s h i p 0 f O c c u p a t i 0 n a ~ A s p i r a t i 0 n s t 0 Subsequent Occupational Behavior The degree of correspondence between occu- pational aspirations held prior to labor mar- ket entry and subsequent occupational at- tainments is indicative of the degree to which individuals realize their occupational aspi- rations. The occupational aspirations of high school students definitely play a role in the
202 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON dete~-~ination of adult occupational attain- ment, but the relationship between the sex type of occupational aspirations and the sex type of occupational attainments has not been estimated. This relationship is of interest because it would indicate the extent to which the sex segregation of occupational choices prior to labor market entry can account for the sex segregation in employment that is subsequently experienced by a cohort. To the extent that sex segregation in occupa- tional choices exists prior to labor market entry, sex segregation in occupational out- comes cannot be attributed to the direct ex- perience of sex discrimination in the labor market. However, as we will discuss, dis- criminatory practices and structural barriers within the labor market may generate a pat- tern of sex segregation that is maintained over time via socialization. Most research on the relationship be- tween occupational goals and attainments has focused on the overall degree of con- gruence between occupational aspirations ant] attainments, where congruence is de- fined as aspiring to and attaining an occu- pation in the same occupational category. The findings of such studies depend in part on the inclusiveness of the occupational cat- egories used; the more inclusive the occu- pational categories, the greater the degree of congruence will appear to be. Variability among studies in the type of sample and the age at which respondents were initially studied also clouds the picture. Estimates of the degree of congruence between high school aspirations and subsequent occupa- tional attainments range from about 50 per- cent (Schmidt and Rothney, 1955) to 80 per- cent (Porter, 1954) in studies done 6 months after graduation from high school, to about 50 percent in a study of women done 5 years after high school (Astin and Myint, 1971), to between 15 percent (Kohout and Roth- ney, 1964) and 25 percent (KuvIesky and Beater, 1967) in studies of men done 10 years after high school. Conclusions about changes in congruence with time after high school are difficult to draw, since studies done at different intervals are not comparable in the inclusiveness of the occupational categories used or in the type of sample studied. The most readily interpretable estimates of the relationship between occupational as- pirations and subsequent occupational at- tainments are available for the status of oc- cupations, as measured by the Duncan Socioeconomic Index (SEI). Analyzing data from an 18-year follow-up study of Wiscon- sin high school seniors, Sewell et al. (1980) found correlations of .461 for females and .543 for males between the status level of the occupation aspired to in high school and the status of the first job held. Somewhat lower correlations of .342 for females and .491 for males were found between the sta- tus level of the occupation aspired to in high school and the status of the occupation held 18 years later. In the absence of information on the re- lationship between the sex typing of occu- pational aspirations and the sex typing of occupational attainments for a sample of in- dividuals studied while in high school ant! again some years later, it is of interest to compare measures of sex segregation in oc- cupational aspirations for a national sample of youth with measures of sex segregation in occupational attainments for the adult population. Such a comparison permits a crude assessment of the extent to which sex segregation in occupational goals approxi- mates sex segregation in employment. Measures of sex segregation in respondents' occupational aspirations for age 35 were cal- culated using the 1979 NLS and were then compared to measures of sex segregation in actual employment based on data from the U.S. census. As indicated above, the index of sex seg- regation in occupational aspirations deter- mined Tom the 1979 NLS over the full range of the Census Bureau's detailed occupa- tional categories was 61.0. This figure can be compared to a figure of 66.1, measuring the degree of sex segregation in the labor
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION _ _ 203 TABLE 11-1 Percentage Distribution of Occupational Aspirations and Attainments by Sex Aspirationsa Attainmentsb Percentage of Female Incumbents Females Males Females Males <30 34.6 86.5 12.5 78.0 30-59 12.6 9.4 17.6 14.7 ~60 52.8 4.1 69.9 7.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 N 4,036 5,073 27,497,081 46,028,117 a Data Mom National Longitudinal Survey of Young Americans (NLS), 1979. b Data from 1970 Census of Population, Vol. 2, pt. 7(a), Table 1. market in 1976 for the same set of Census Bureau categories (U. S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1978~. The comparison indicates that the aspirations of youth are almost as highly sex segregated as the occupations held by those currently employed. It was observed earlier that the occupa- tional aspirations of males are more highly sex typed than those of females. Analysis of the 1979 NLS data indicates that the mean percentage of males actually employed in occupations aspired to by young men is 87.9 percent, whereas the mean percentage of females employed in occupations aspired to by young women is 56.5 percent. These fig- ures can be compared with ones calculated using 1970 census data, which describe the degree to which jobs actually held by women and men are sex typed.2 The mean per- centage of males employed in occupations held mostly by men in 1970 was 82.3; the mean percentage of females employed in occupations held mostly by women was 70.3. The jobs actually held by both men and women therefore have, on the average, a somewhat higher percentage of female in- cumbents than the jobs aspired to, but the difference between aspirations and attain- ments is greater for women than men. The distribution of occupational aspira- tions and attainments by sex type is exam- 2 These figures were calculated from data report- ed in the 1970 Census of Population, Vol. 2, pt. 7(a), Table 1. ined in greater detail in Table 11-1, which presents data on aspirations from the NLS and data on attainments from the 1970 cen- sus. Occupations are divided into three sex- type categories on the basis of the percent- age offemale incumbents in the occupation. It can be seen that the percentage of young women aspiring to typically male occupa- tions (34.6 percent) is considerably greater than the percentage of women actually em- ployed in those occupations in 1970 (12.5 percent). The percentage of young men as- piring to typically male occupations (86.5 percent) is also greater than the percentage of men employed in those occupations in 1970 (78.0~. Again, however, the difference between aspirations and attainments is shown to be greater for women than men. It is difficult to interpret these differences. They may indicate that females aspiring to typi- cally mate occupations are, in fact, less likely than males aspiring to those occupations to realize their occupational goals. On the other hand, they may reflect an increased tend- ency on the part of younger women (the NLS sample) to seek entry into occupations that are currently male-dominated. To conclude, our comparison of the sex typing of occupational aspirations and at- tainments indicates that the degree of sex segregation in aspirations is only sTighfly lower than the degree of sex segregation in em- ployment. This overall similarity between the sex typing of occupational aspirations and attainments indicates that influences prior to labor market entry play an important role
204 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON in the determination of occupational out- comes for individuals. However, young peo- ple of both sexes are more likely to aspire to typically male occupations than adults of the same sex are to be employed in those occupations, and this difference is greater for females than males. To understand more fully the relationship between the sex type of occupational aspirations and attainments, research on samples of individuals studied over time is needed. It is particularly im- portant that such research be undertaken now, since social change is likely to be pro- ducing differences between cohorts. Development Over the Early Stages ofthe Life Course Studies of the occupational as- pirations of preadolescents (preschool and elementary school children) indicate that sex differentiation in occupational goals appears at an early age (Looft, 1971a,b; Siegel, 1973; Harris, 1974; Hewitt, 1975; Papalia and Tennent, 1975; Umstot, 19801. Children tend to look et activities, including work, in terms of sex-appropriate categories, viewing par- ticular activities as appropriate only for males or only for females (Hartley and Klein, 1959; SchIossberg and Goodman, 1972; Tibbetts, 1975; Tavris and Offir, 1977:186; Cummings and Taebel, 1980; Umstot, 1980~. Girls' oc- cupational preferences are heavily concen- trated in the occupations of teacher and nurse, which often account for 50 to 75 percent of their occupational choices (CIark, 1967; Looft, 1971a,b; Siegel, 1973; Hewitt, 1975~. The range of options considered by girls is typ- ically narrow, whereas boys' choices are dis- persed among more occupations (Looft, 1971a; Siegel, 1973; Hewitt, 1975; Papalia and Tennent, 1975~. Studies of the discrep- ancy between aspirations and expectations further indicate that girls are more likely than boys to expect to enter occupations that are sex typed to the same or a higher degree than their aspirations (Looft, 1971a:366; Pa- palia and Tennent, 19751. Attempts to assess developmental changes in He sex typing of occupational choices with increasing age in any precise way have been few. Studies of the extent to which children look at work in terms of sex-appropriate cat- egories indicate little change in occupational sex typing with age over the elementary school years (Hartley and Klein, 1959; SchIossberg and Goodman, 19721. Two re- cent studies, however, suggest that females may become slightly more liberal during the elementary years about the jobs they feel should be open to both males and females (Cummings and Taebel, 1980; Umstot, 19801. Such an increase in liberality would be con- sistent with other studies reporting some- what less sex stereotyping of occupations in adolescence and early adulthood than at younger ages (Harmon, 1971; Shephard and Hess, 1975~. There is also evidence that a sex difference emerges with age in the de- ~ree to which occupations are sex stereo- typed, with females becoming more likely than males to view an occupation as appro- priate for either sex (Shepard and Hess, 1975; Nieva and Gutek, 1981:121. Our own analysis of sex typing in the oc- cupational aspirations of youth between the ages of 14 and 22, based on the 1979 NLS, found a small decline in the sex typing of occupational aspirations over this age range. The index of segregation, indicating the per- centage of one sex that would have to change occupational aspirations to make the aspi- ration distributions of the two sexes equal, was 67.6 for 14- and 15-year-olds and 61.5 for 20- to 22-year-olds. That only a small amount of change occurs over this age range is confirmed by the findings of two earlier studies. Based on analysis of the National Longitudinal Surveys of the Labor Market Experiences of Young Men and Young Women initiated in 1966 and 1968, respec- tively, Hofferth (1980a) found little change in the sex typing of occupations aspired to for age 35 from grade 9 through the first three years after high school. Similarly, in an analysis based on the 1973-1974 assess- ment of career and occupational develop- ment conducted by the National Assessment
1 SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 205 of Educational Progress, Gottfredson (1978) presents data showing little difference in the sex typing of occupational aspirations be- tween 13-year-old and 17-year-old students. Although there may be a small overall decline in the sex typing of occupational as- pirations among youth, the occupational choices of college students have been found to become more sex typed over the college years (Davis, 1965; Astin and Panos, 1969; Hind and Wirth, 19691. Of entering fresh- men planning careers in male occupations, women were more likely than men to switch to some other occupational choice during their undergraduate years. Women were also less likely to be recruited into a male oc- cupation from some other field. In contrast, men were less likely to remain in or be re- cruited into a female field. This pattern of change was paralleled by a similar pattern of change in undergraduate majors. Men were more likely than women to remain in or shift to business, engineering, the physical sci- ences, and mathematics, whereas women were more likely to remain in or shift to majors in the arts, humanities, and educa- tion (Astin and Panos, 1969; Zinberg, 1974; Ernest, 19761. It can be concluded, therefore, that sex differences in occupational aspirations ap- pear at preschool ages and are maintained into adulthood. They may decrease slightly during late adolescence and early adulthood but have been found to increase during the college years. To accurately document the development of sex differences in occupa- tional aspirations over the life course, how- ever, will require longitudinal studies of co- horts over time, which have not yet been carried out. Recent Historical Trends In the wake of the women's liberation movement, attitudes about the appropriate roles of women and men have been changing (Mason et al., 1976; Spitze ant! Huber, 1980; Thornton and Freedman, 19791. Part of this change in- volves a more favorable attitude toward the employment of married women. Within this climate of general attitude change, changes appear to be occurring in the sex segregation of occupational aspirations and plans among high school students. Studies examining such changes consistently indicate a decline in sex segregation, although the precise amount of decline is difficult to assess (Garrison, 1979; Lueptow, 1981; Herzog, 19821. Studying the occupational goals of Wis- consin high school seniors in 1964 and 1975, Lueptow (1981) found that the percentage of girls planning to enter predominantly fe- male occupations dropped from 79.7 per- cent in 1964 to 49.8 percent in 1975. This trend was offset somewhat by choices of a number of new sex-typed occupations in 1975. The overall drop in the proportion of females expecting to enter predominantly female occupations was, therefore, only 16.2 percent. Changes in the demographic com- position ofthe schools studded between 1964 and 1975 and a low response rate in 1975, however, raise some question about the ac- curacy of these estimates. Garrison (1979) examined changes in the sex segregation of occupational expectations among Virginia high school seniors between 1970 and 1976. Using a 7-category measure of expectations, he found that the index of segregation comparing the occupational dis- tributions of the two sexes dropped from 43.6 in 1970 to 38.2 in 1976. Herzog (1982) examined changes in the sex segregation of occupational plans between 1976 and 1980 for national samples of high school seniors surveyed annually. Based on a 15-category measure of occupational expectations for age 30, she found that the index of segregation between male and female choices declined from 49.8 in 1976 to 36.3 in 1980. All three of these studies indicate declining sex seg- regation in the occupational goals of high school seniors, although estimates of the precise amount of decline in each study de- pend heavily on the way in which occupa- tional goals are categorized. More detailed oc- cupational classifications undoubtedly would
206 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON indicate higher degrees of sex segregation and could affect the amount of change ob- served over time. Occupational Knowledge Given the narrower range of female oc- cupational aspirations and the sex typing of both male and female choices, it is of inter- est to consider whether the two sexes differ in their knowledge of occupations. As in- dicated above, an understanding of what the adult world views as male and female jobs is acquired by children early in life, and the ability to identify occupations and describe them increases rapidly as children enter ad- olescence (DeFIeur, 1963; Nelson, 19631. Research indicates that neither boys nor girls are significantly superior in their ability to name and describe occupations (Nelson, 1963; O'Bryant et al., 1980), although sex differences do appear in children's assess- ments of different job dimensions. Boys seem to be more aware of the status and monetary rewards of jobs Man are girls (DeFIeur, 1963; O'Bryant et al., 1980) and to assimilate this information early. Girls do not become as aware of these dimensions until adolescence (O'Bryant et al., 19801.3 In rating the im- portance of service provided to the com- munity by an occupation, each sex gives higher ratings to occupations dominated by members of their own sex. Together, these studies indicate that although preadolescent males and females have comparable super- ficial knowledge of adult job roles that is, they are able to identify roles and describe their duties their sensitivity to the re- wards associated with these roles (respect and status, money, a feeling of providing community service) may be conditioned by the values they learn to consider in choosing 3 O'Bryant et al. (1980) used the responses of college students as a standard by which to measure the accu- racy of preadolescent responses. It is not known how well these college students' perceptions would corre- spond to those of a sample of older adults. an occupation. In other words, boys learn early to direct their attention to the status and monetary rewards of jobs, whereas girls pay more attention to altruistic concerns and personal fulfillment. Three experimental studies that examine the effect of providing occupational infor- mation to children (Thompson and Parker, 1971; Barclay, 1974; Harris, 1974) indicate that knowledge alone plays a limited role in determining the occupational choices of young males and females. These studies in- dicate that, unless the presentation of jobs and career information includes examples of women in nontraditional roles or encourages discussion of sex-role stereotyping, the pro- vision of information does little to heighten students' awareness of sex typing or to broaden their occupational aspirations to include jobs atypically held by their sex. Because there appears to be a relationship between the job-relevant information chil- dren process and the values they hold regard- ing occupations, we will now examine the evidence on sex differences in occupational values. Occupational Values Sex differences in the values placed on various dimensions of jobs have been doc- umented across age groups in studies dating back to the 1930s. Witty and Lehman (1930) reported that, across ages ranging from 8 to 18 years, boys showed a consistently greater tendency than girls to aspire to jobs they judged to have high monetary returns. The public respect believed to be associated win jobs also played a larger role in the choices of boys than girls. Both of these differences increased with age, indicating that girls either increasingly looked to marriage as a means of obtaining financial support or became in- creasingly aware that many financially prof- itable and highly respected occupations were not open to them. More recently, O'Hara (1962) found financial rewards to be a stronger motivating force for elementary school boys
SEX TYPING lN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 207 than for girls. Singer and SteffIre (1954) also found significant differences in the impor- tance male and female high school seniors attacher} to job dimensions, with females at- taching more weight to the amount of in- terest and opportunity to help people pro- vided by jobs, ant! males attaching more value to jobs they saw as offering high mon- etary rewards, an opportunity to work more or less on one's own, and the chance to be the boss. In the last few years, research has con- tinued to document these sex differences in occupational values.4 Studies attempting to assess recent changes in the job dimensions to which males and females attach signif~- cance have found surprisingly little conver- gence between the sexes during the 1970s (Lueptow, 1980; Herzog, 19821. Lueptow (1980) compared the occupational values of graduating seniors in 1961 and 197S and found that at both time points males placed sig- nificantly greater value on status, money, freedom from supervision, and leadership than dicl females. Females valued working with people, helping others, using their abilities, and being creative more than males did. By 1975 there was some indication of increased male interest in working with peo- ple, but increased female interest in the stereotypically masculine-valued dimen- sions of money, status, freedom from su- pervision, and leadership was not evident. Herzog's (1982) analysis of data from the Monitoring the Future project replicated these differences for successive cohorts of high school seniors between 1975 and 1980. In addition, data collected from sophomores and seniors in a nationally representative sample of U.S. high schools as part of the High School and Beyond survey in 1980 in- 4 A study of black inner-city high school students, however, found no significant differences between males and females in terms of valued job dimensions (Brief and Aldag, 1975), indicating that sex differences may not be uniform across racial groups. dicate similar differences in male and female job values (Pen" et al., 1981~. These differ- ences also were found in two other recent studies based on smaller, nonrationally rep- resentative samples (Brenner and Tomkie- wicz, 1979; TittIe, 1981~. Thus, despite some evidence of declining sex differences in the occupational plans of adolescents in the 1970s, which we discussed earlier, sex differences in occupational values persist. Since the two sexes differ upon entry into the labor force not only in the attitudes, knowledge, and values they hold about oc- cupations but also in the skills and personal- social attributes that affect access to occu- pations, we will consider evidence on the existence of sex differences in abilities and dispositional traits. Abilities and Dispositional Traits Evidence pertaining to sex differences in many abilities and dispositional traits has been reviewed recently by a number of psy- chologists (Oetzel, 1966; Maccoby and lack- lin, 1974; Block, 1976; Tavris and Offir, 1977; Frieze et al., 1978~. Maccoby and Jacklin's (1974) extensive review of approximately 1,600 studies published, for the most part, between 1966 and 1973 has formed the basis for most later reviews, which expand upon it and, in some cases, reinterpret its findings (Block, 1976~. In general, research to date permits few definitive conclusions to be drawn about the existence of sex differ- ences, much less their origins (Block, 1976~. There is some evidence to indicate the ex- istence of sex differences favoring males in quantitative and spatial abilities and sex dif- ferences favoring females in verbal abilities (Te~ titan and Tyler, 1954; Tyler, 1965; Oetzel, 1966; Dwyer, 1973; Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974; Block, 1976~. However, although these differences appear rather consistently across studies, they are small. It has been esti- mated that in the large-sample studies re- viewed by Maccoby and Jacklin (1974), sex accounted for only 1 to 2 percent of the
208 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON variance in reading performance and 4 per- cent of the variance in mathematics per- formance (Plomin and Fock, 19811. Sex differences in dispositional traits also have been documented, although the evi- dence pertaining to these traits is weaker. Among the most well documented sex dif- ferences is the tendency for males to be more aggressive than females (Maccoby and lack- lin, 1974; Block, 19761. There is also some evidence to indicate that males are more dominant, possessing a stronger, more po- tent self-concept; are more curious and ex- plorative; more impulsive; and more active (Block, 19761. Other evidence suggests that females may be more fearfi~l and timid, more susceptible to anxiety, less confident in task performance, and more likely to seek help and reassurance (Block, 19761. Females also appear to maintain closer proximity to friends than do males and to be influenced more by the social desirability of behavior (Block, 1976~. No sex differences have been fount] in nurturance and maternal behaviors, such as helping and sharing, in general self- esteem, in achievement orientation, and in degree of auditory orientation (Maccoby and lacklin, 1974; Block, 1976~. Research on sex differences in physical strength and ability has been reviewed less systematically but indicates substantial clif- ferences favoring males in upper body strength and smaller differences favoring males in leg strength (Wood, 19801. Fe- males show somewhat greater tolerance for heat than do males and have more body fat, which gives them an advantage in some ac- tivities requiring endurance (Wood, 19801. Although it has not been replicated re- cently, early research indicated that boys possess greater speed and coordination of gross body movement (Maccoby and lack- lin, 19741. Girls are generally believed to have better manual dexterity than boys, but sex differences in dexterity depend on the task observed. GirIs have been found to have somewhat better finger dexterity, but they do not have better overall manual dexterity (Maccoby and lacklin, 1974~. In conclusion, there is evidence to indi- cate the existence of some sex differences in personality traits anti abilities, but most appear to be small and, as discussed earlier, result primarily from sex-role socialization. '['hat is, most appear to be learned and can be viewed as a product of differences in the expectations society holds for the two sexes rather than as a cause of those differences. It has been argued that sex differences in personality traits and abilities form the basis for sex differences in occupational choice and, ultimately, for the allocation of males and females to different positions in the labor market. Although it is possible that sex dif- ferences, particularly in physical character- istics, are the basis for some occupational sorting by sex, the relevance of most stere- otypically ascribed sex differences in per- sonality and ability, inclucling physical dif- ferences, to occupational performance remains unknown. That is, it is unknown to what extent 'jobs that are traditionally hell] by one sex and that are thought to require sex-related traits actually do. It seems likely that the extent to which one sex is better suited to perform sex-typed jobs has been greatly exaggerated. Because sex differ- ences in personality traits and abilities are smaller than they are stereotypically as- cribed to be and are of questionable rele- vance to the performance of most jobs, their role in the determination of sex segregation in the labor market is likely to be minimal. Summary Marked differences exist between males and females in occupational orientation. From very young ages, females aspire to and ex- pect to enter typically female occupations, whereas males aspire to and expect to enter typically male occupations. These sex dif- ferences in occupational choice have an im- portant bearing on subsequent sex segre- gation in the labor market, since the degree of sex segregation in occupational aspira- tions prior to labor market entry closely ap- proximates the degree of sex segregation in
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 209 the labor market. The sexes also differ in the importance they attach to various di- mensions of jobs, with females valuing the intrinsic interest of a job and the opportu- nity it affords to work with and help others more than males do, and males valuing the extrinsic rewards of a job, including status, money, and power, more than females do. Although sex differences in abilities and clis- positional traits exist prior to entry into the labor market, they are unlikely to play an important role in the determination of oc- cupational segregation. Most differences are small anal appear to result from, rather than cause, sex differences in occupational ori- entation. The relevance of sex differences in abilities and dispositional traits to occu- pational performance is also open to ques- tion, since it is unknown to what extent jobs that are traditionally held by one sex and that are thought to require sex-related traits actually require those traits. DETERMINANTS OF SEX DIFFERENCES IN OCCUPATIONAL ORIENTATION As cliscussecl above, sex differences in oc- cupational orientation ant] job-relevant traits can be seen as arising largely from the proc- ess of sex-role socialization, which begins at a chilies birth. Messages about what is viewed as appropriate for the two sexes are con- veyed in myriad ways and constitute the basis on which the two sexes learn to have different expectations about the roles they will fill and learn to behave differently. In this section, we examine some of the major sources of sex-role learning, focusing on fac- tors that are likely to affect the development of sex differences in occupational orientation and preparation. Specifically, our review covers family influences, school influences, messages transmitted by the mass media, and early employment experiences. Family Influences The earliest and most pervasive influ- ences on sex-role socialization arise within the family. Children not only interact with their parents earlier and more frequently than with other adults but they also have strong emotional ties to their parents that reinforce the effects of parental actions. Studies of modeling in laboratory settings suggest that parents are effective models for their children because they are the most nurturant and powerful people with whom a child interacts (Bandura and Huston, 1961; Bandura et al., 1963; Mische! and Grusec, 19661. In recent years, researchers have sought primarily to address two questions about parental effects on sex typing. First, do parents treat boys and girls differently? Second, do parents serve as role models for the adoption of nontraditional role behav- ior? Evidence pertaining to these questions is reviewed below. Differential Treatment of Boys and Girls by Parents Based on a review of research focusing primarily on the sex typing of per- sonal and social behaviors, Maccoby and lacklin (1974) concluded that there were surprisingly few differences in parents treatment of boys and girls. No differences were found in the total amount of interaction between parents and infants or in the amount and kind of verbal interaction. Based on ob- servational studies, there was little evidence that children of the two sexes received dif- ferent amounts of parental warmth or re- inforcement for dependency. Similarly, there was no evidence that parents responded dif- ferently to aggression in boys and girls. However, boys were given more gross mo- tor stimulation and were encourage<] in physical activity more than girls were. Boys also received more praise and more punish- ment, particularly physical punishment. Likewise, boys received more pressure than girls not to engage in sex-inappropriate be- havior. The fact that more differences in pa- rental treatment of boys and girls were not documented may be attributable to limita- tions of the data base reviewed by Maccoby and Jacklin and to the procedures they used
210 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BR1NTON in drawing conclusions from the evidence (Block, 19761. A more recent review of research by Hus- ton (in press), focusing not only on the sex typing of personal and social behaviors but also on activities and interests, provides more evidence of differential treatment of the two sexes. Huston reviewed experimental stud- ies in which the child's gender label was manipulated as well as observational studies of parents with their own children. She found evidence that boys and girls were encour- aged in different types of play activities from infancy onward. Adults made sex-typed toy choices for children, offering dolIs exclu- sively to children they believed to be girls. Gross motor activity was encouraged more in boys than in girls. Adults player! more actively with male infants and responded more positively to physical activity in boys than in girls. In contrast, interpersonal play activity and dependent, affectionate behav- ior were more often encouraged in girls than in boys. Fathers emphasized sex-typed play activity more than mothers did and inter- acted with boys more than with girls. Like Maccoby and lacklin (1974), Huston (in press) found little evidence that aggression pro- vokes different parental responses for boys and girls. A considerable body of evidence, however, indicates that boys are given more opportunities to play away from home and, therefore, more freedom from adult super- vision than are girls. In addition to treating the sexes differ- ently in terms of play activities, it has been well documented that parents have higher expectations for the adult achievement of their sons than of their daughters (Alexander and Eckland, 1974; Maccoby and lacklin, 1974; Hauser et al., 1976; Hoffman, 1977; Marini, 1978a,b). Recent evidence indicates that parents also value mathematics achieve- ment more in sons than in daughters and estimate the mathematics competence of sons to be higher than that of daughters (Fen- nema and Sherman, 1977; Fox et al., 1979~. Observations of the teaching behaviors of parents indicate that parents socialize achievement differently for boys and girls. Parents have higher expectations and de- mand more independence of boys, whereas they provide help more readily to girls and are more likely to focus on interpersonal aspects of the teaching situation (Huston, in press). These sex differences in socialization, which are rooted in parents' general sex-role conceptions, can be expected to have long- term effects on the occupational behavior of the two sexes. Although the links between parents' socialization of personal and social behavior and occupational outcomes are in- direct, childbearing practices that affect the acquisition of job-relevant skills and the de- velopment of occupational expectations bear on occupational choice. As we will discuss below, parents who display less traditional sex-role behavior, and who are therefore likely to hold less traditional sex-role atti- tudes, produce children whose occupational behavior is less differentiated along sex lines. Parental Role Modes lbe fact that moth- ers and fathers tend to be employed in dif- ferent jobs outside the home, to perform different tasks within the home, and to have different interests and personal and social characteristics provides information to chil- dren about what is expected of women and men. A consistent finding of previous re- search is that children's sex-role attitudes are less traditionally stereotyped if the mother is employed outside the home than if she is not (Huston, in press). Maternal employ- ment affects the sex-role attitudes of both sexes, but it affects the sex typing of personal and social attributes, interests, and activities almost exclusively for girls. Employed mothers have been found to be particularly attractive role models for their daughters, as evidences! by the fact that daughters of employed mothers more often want to be like their mothers and say they use their mothers as models (Hoffman, 1974; Miller, 19751. However, the effects of maternal em-
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 211 ployment may also arise because maternal employment is associated with other sex- role activities, personality characteristics, and child-rearing practices of parents. Although there is considerable evidence to indicate that maternal employment fos- ters career salience among daughters, par- ticularly if the mother has a positive attitude toward her employment (Beardslee and O'- Dowd, 1962; Siege! ant! Curtis, 1963; Dou- van and Adelson, 1966; Hartley, 1966; White, 1967; Vogel et al., 1970; Almquist and Angr- ist, 1971; Baruch, 1972; Altman and Gross- man, 1977; Hoffman ant! Nye, 1975; Bielby, 1978b; Kaufman and Richardson, 1982:22- 27), there is less evidence that it affects the entry of daughters into traditionally male occupations. Studies of small, restricted samples of college students suggest that ma- ternal employment increases the probability of entry into nontraditional fields by daugh- ters (Almquist and Angrist, 1970; Almquist, 1974; Tangri, 1972; Klemmack and EcI- wards, 19731. However, studies of larger samples that are more representative of the U. S. college population find little or no pos- itive effect of maternal employment on the entry of daughters into traditionally male occupations (Bielby, 1978a; Brito and Ju- senius, 1978~. It appears likely that the type of employment engaged in by the mother rather than her employment per se is the factor that influences entry into traditionally male occupations by daughters. Based on a study of high school students who did not go to college, Hofferth (1980a) found that for whites the sex type of the mother's oc- cupation had a direct effect on the sex type of the daughter's occupation. This relation- ship may pertain over the full range of ed- ucational attainment, but it has not been investigated. School Influences The role of schools in promoting or in- hibiting sex segregation in occupational goals is a multifaceted one. In this section we re- view research on a variety of socialization influences arising within the school, includ- ing the availability of same-sex role models, sex stereotyping in textbooks and educa- tional material, the role of counselors in channeling students into careers, tracking and vocational education, and training in mathematics and science. We also consider evidence on the success of governmental in- tervention through legislation, such as Title IX, the Women's Educational Equity Act, and the 1976 Vocational Education Amend- ments. Availability of Sam~-Se~c Role Models A1- though the importance of role models of one's own sex is a theme that implicitly runs through much of the research on sources of occupational socialization, empirical studies dealing with the processes involved in role modeling, particularly in the case of ado- lescents and young adults, are few. Douvan (1976) points to the prominent role of an older-woman model in biographies of women successful in such fields as politics and ac- ademics and suggests the advantages of womens' colleges in providing a broad array of female role models. In examining deter- minants of college females' occupational as- pirations, Brito and Jusenius (1978) found that attendance at either a predominantly female or predominantly male college was associated with atypical aspirations. More direct evidence that same-sex role models may be salient to the educational and career choices of college students and to their ca- reer success is available. Basow anal Howe (1979) indicate that college seniors reported their career choices to be significantly more affected by same-sex role models than by opposite-sex models. Tidball (1973) found that the number of women on the faculty at a college was a good predictor of the number of career women the school would produce. Fox (1974) found that the distribution of col- lege males and females across fields of spe- cialization closely mirrored the distribution of same-sex faculty, and the degree to which
212 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON female students were concentrated in cer- tain areas reflected the concentration of fe- male faculty. Although prior socialization conditioning males and females to major in sex-appropriate fields was no doubt a factor influencing this concentration, the resem- blance of students' choices to the pattern of faculty specialization was striking. Finally, career success has been linked to exposure to a same-sex mentor. In a study of psy- chology Ph. D.'s, Goldstein (1979) found that having had a same-sex adviser was signifi- cantly related to academic productivity (measured by number of publications) 4 years later. Although this result links career suc- cess to exposure to a same-sex mentor, at- tribution of a causal relationship is difficult because it is impossible to tell how the same students would have performed under the tutelage of an opposite-sex adviser. Taken as a whole, these studies indicate that same- sex role modeling influences occupational decision making, but more research is needed to further document the existence and na- ture of its effects. Sex Stereotyping in Textbooks and Edu- cational Materials Sex bias in educational materials was recognized as a serious issue in the late 1960s, and several studies con- ducted in the early 1970s documented the existence of sex stereotyping, particularly in mathematics and science textbooks (MiInar, 1973; Rogers, 1975~. With increasing public recognition of the problem and the passage of certain legislation, such as Title IX in 1972,5 prohibiting the distribution of federal funds to schools that did not comply with sex-equity practices, biased representations of the sexes in educational materials were expected to decrease. However, textbooks published throughout the 1970s continued to portray the sexes in stereotypical roles. 5 Legal judgment regarding the First Amendment and freedom of speech has since resulted in the exclu- sion of curriculum materials from coverage by Title IX. Two groups of researchers, publishing comprehensive studies of sex stereotyping in elementary school textbooks in the mid- 1970s, found pervasive evidence of sex bias. Weitzman and Rizzo's (1974) study of the illustrations in a sample of the most widely used textbooks revealed that males ap- peared in 69 percent of textbook illustra- tions, whereas females appeared in only 31 percent. These figures became more skewed the higher the grade level. The lopsided representation of the sexes was most appar- ent in the science field and least evident in social studies, a more feminine field. Whereas men were portrayed overall in more than 150 occupational roles, women appeared as housewives or, when working, in a narrowly circumscribed set of roles such as nurse, teacher, librarian, and sales clerk. Women on Words and Images (1975b), a New Jer- sey-based group of researchers and con- sultants, also assessed sex stereotyping in elementary school textbooks. They exam- ined 134 readers (from 14 different publish- ers) in use in three suburban New Jersey school districts. Their findings on the por- trayal of occupational stereotypes were as follows: (1) women were portrayed in stories and in illustrations in a total of 26 occupa- tions, whereas men appeared in 147 differ- ent jobs; (2) aside from the role of doctor, women were universally portrayed in ster- eotypically feminine roles, such as cook, housekeeper, librarian, school nurse, teacher, and telephone operator; and (3) in terms of biographies, which can be viewed as im- portant because they show adults in signif- icant roles outside the home, there were 27 stories about 17 different women, compared with 119 stories about 88 men. The message conveyed by these depictions of adult males and females is that females have a narrow range of jobs to choose from and generally make less of a contribution to public life than do males. Other investigators have examined sex stereotyping in textbooks used in particular subject areas. Stern (1976), in an examina-
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 213 tion of beginning and intermediate foreign language textbooks published between 1970 and 1974, found that both dialogues and photographs depicted a biased range of oc- cupational roles for males and females and focused much more heavily on males' oc- cupational aspirations than on those of fe- males. Sex stereotyping in mathematics textbooks is particularly well documented. Kepner and Koehn (1977) evaluated 24 first-, fours-, and seventh-grade mathematics texts put out by 8 major publishers between 1971 and 1975 to determine their representation of the sexes. They found that elementary mathematics texts tended to depict males in a greater variety of occupations than fe- males, both in illustrations and in written problems, and that sex stereotyping of oc- cupations was prevalent in these texts. These researchers also examined three widely advertised mathematics textbooks published between 1975 and 1977. In these texts females were shown in a wider range of occupations than had been the case in previously published textbooks; in fact, women were shown as moving into typically male occupations, such as doctor, truck driver, and political candidate. However, males were not depicted in traditionally fe- male occupations. Another study of sex bias in six widely used elementary mathematics textbook series published between 1970 and 1975 indicated that the two series published most recently showed more occupational role reversals for males and females than those published earlier in the decade (Steele, 1977~. Sex-role stereotypes are prevalent not only in textbooks but also in chfldren's picture books. Studies by Weitzman et al. (1972) and Nilsen (1977) have demonstrated the predominance of male over female charac- ters in books that were winners of the pres- tigious Caldecott Medal, awarded yearly to a book oriented toward preschool children. Nflsen documented an actual clecline in the percentage of female characters during the l950s and 1960s, from 46 percent in 1951- 1955 to 26 percent in 1966-1970. Unfortunately, little is known about the effects of sex-stereotyped educational ma- terials on chfldren's attitudes and, ulti- mately, on their occupational aspirations. Researchers have been guided by the as- sumption that reading materials do exert a pervasive influence on young readers' views and motivation, but the extent and perma- nence of such effects have generally not been investigated. Two exceptions are reports by Kimme} (1970) and Nilsen (1977) of exper- imental reading programs and short-term controlled experiments. Nflsen reports a di- rect correlation between the degree to which children classify activities as belonging in male and female domains and length of ex- posure to the Alpha One reacting program, identified as presenting highly sex-stereo- typed images to children. Kimmel reports on several experimental studies that appear to have an eject on children's stereotypical attitudes (in this case, of minorities) and con- cludes cautiously that books may play a sig- nificant role in conditioning children's atti- tudes, although the duration of the effect of specific books may not be long. Counseling and Career Guidance There is a large body of literature in the fields of educational and counseling psychology deal- ing with issues related to sex bias in career counseling. Although we can deal with this literature in only a cursory fashion here, we consider findings with implications for the career choices of women. Ike topics we touch on include counselor bias in assessment and counseling concerning women's career pref- erences, sex bias in occupational reference materials used for counseling purposes, and the importance of the counselor in effecting changes in females' occupational aspirations and outcomes. Studies of counselors' attitudes and knowledge about women's careers suggest that counselors contribute to the sex ster- eotyping of occupations. A number of stud- ies have clocumented the existence of tra- ditional attitudes on the part of counselors
214 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON regarding appropriate roles for women. In a much-cited experimental study, Thomas and Stewart (1971) found that counselors, regardless of their sex, perceived conform- ing career goals (such as home economist) as being significantly more appropriate for women than deviate career goals (such as engineer). This perception was correlated with counselors' level of experience; more experienced counselors perceived no statis- tically significant difference in the appro- priateness of the goals. Female clients who purportedly held deviate goals were also judged to have a significantly greater need for counseling than those with conforming goals. More recent studies have continues! to indicate that school counselors have a re- stricted view of the occupations appropriate for women (MeUvene and Collins, 1976) and suggest different occupational choices for in- tellectually gifted males and females (Don- ahue and Costar, 19771. In a study focusing on counselors' perceptions of the variables important in college students' career choices, counselors perceived women to be more in- fluenced by such considerations as success avoidance, home-career conflict, and atti- tudes of the opposite sex than women re- ported themselves to be (Karpicke, 19801. Male counselors generally seemed to dis- play somewhat more bias than female coun- selors, and at least one study suggests that school counselors may be more biased than other types of counselors, such as psycho- therapists (MeUvene and Collins, 1976~. In a study of the accuracy of counselors knowledge of labor force issues relating to women, gingham and House (1973) found that a sample of secondary school counselors demonstrated correct knowledge on only 12 of 25 items. On 7 of the items most fre- quently missed, significantly more female than male counselors responded correctly. Although the authors identified all items as factual, those missed more frequently by males than females seemed to be especially open to influence by attitudes. Examples included whether women need more em- ployment alternatives, whether most women can perform the roles of worker and home- maker simultaneously in a satisfactory fash- ion, and whether women are discriminated against in employment practices. Several researchers have examined career information materials published by private publishers and the federal government for their portrayal of occupational roles for males and females (Heshusius-Gilsdorf and Gfls- dorf, 1975; Lauver et al., 1975~. These stud- ies indicate that women tend to be both unclerrepresented and portrayed in tradi- tionally female occupations in illustrations and accompanying job descriptions. Males, on the other hand, tent] to be portrayed in traditionally male occupations. Two popular and widely used career orientation textbook series put out by private publishers por- trayed top-management, professional, and technical positions as being filled almost ex- clusively by men, and they portrayed ex- tremely skewed sex ratios for traditionally sex-stereotyped jobs such as clerical work- ers, stewardkesse~s; nurses; and construc- tion, large machine, and repair workers (Heshusius-Gflsdorf and Gflsdorf, 1975~. A study of the 1974-1975 Occupational Out- look Handbook, published by the U. S. Bu- reau of Labor Statistics, also found evidence of sex bias in career portrayal (Lauver et al., 1975), although a more recent study of the 1976-1977 edition reported substantial re- duction in the amount of sex bias (Farmer and Backer, 1977~. In general, research on counselors' atti- tudes and knowledge, and on the career in- formation materials they use, indicates that bias exists in the perceived appropriateness of a variety of occupational aspirations for women, in the roles women are assumed to fill in the labor market, and in the reasons perceived to lie behind career choices. Vir- tually every article in this area concludes with a recommendation that school coun- selors be required to receive exposure to statistics on female labor force participation
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 215 and information on employer biases in var- ious fields. The provision of accurate occu- pational information and training to alert school counselors to the possibility that their views may be sex biased is undoubtedly im- portant. However, it should be recognized that little is known about the degree to which counselors actually influence students. Understandably, the counseling literature tends to attribute a strong role to counselors as possible agents of social change (Vetter, 1973; Verheyden-Hilliard, 19771. But stud- ies that attempt to assess the impact of coun- seling on students are few. In one careful study of the effects of counseling on New York high school students, Rehberg and Hotchkiss (1972) found that nonschoo} influ- ences such as socioeconomic status, intel- ligence, parental encouragement, and pre- viously held educational expectations together exerted a much greater influence on students' educational expectations than their exposure to counseling. In another study of a small sample of high school students, Tittle (1981) found that only 27 percent of those surveyed reported having talked to a counselor about work possibilities. Tracking and Vocational Education Em- pirical studies of tracking have typically focused on the determinants and implica- tions of student placement in college and noncollege preparatory tracks rather than on specific vocational courses. However, the findings of these studies have some impor- tant implications that are generalizable to all types of tracking that segregate males and females and thereby affect their occupational orientations and outcomes. First, a review of the tracking literature by Rosenbaum (1980) underscores the degree to which students are labeled within the school and the community once they embark on a particular track, regardless of whether track placement is a result oftheir own free choice or counselor assignment (Cicourel and Kitsuse, 1963; Schafer and Olexa, 1971; Heyns, 1974; Rosenbaum, 1978~. Second, in the case of assignment to college and noncollege preparatory tracks, counselors' judgments of students' personalities often play a large role (Cicourel and Kitsuse, 1963), a finding that provides a disturbing complement to our discussion of counselor bias related to the sex of the student. Finally, students frequently are unaware of the implications of the tracks into which they have been guided or assigned, and frustration about plans for postsecondary education may result (Rosenbaum, 19801. Analyzing data from the National Longitu- dinal Survey of the High School Class of 1972, Rosenbaum (1980) showed that, for both males and females, the actual track had a greater influence on college attendance than did students' perceptions of the track to which they belonged. Misperceptions aside, therefore, track placement had an objective impact on educational outcomes. Given the importance of tracking as a mechanism that sorts students into groups on the basis of presumed or stated abilities and preferences, the distribution of males and females in clifferent vocational prepara- tion tracks has potentially important conse- quences. Studies of the distribution of high school students across educational curricula in the late 1960s and early 1970s indicated that, when business and office programs were inclu(led in the definition of vocational education, 20 to 44 percent of senior girls were enrolled in vocational education pro- grams (Gras so , 1 980 ; Harnischiege r and Wiley, 1980; Hofferth, 1980b). Relatively few girls were enrolled in the vocational education track per se, since it tends to provide training for entry into blue-collar occupations. However, girls who did enroll in the vocational education track did not differ in ability from those in other noncol- lege preparatory tracks. In contrast, boys who enrolled in the vocational education track tended to be lower in ability than those in other noncollege preparatory tracks (HarnischtegerandWiley, 19801. The overall distribution of females across vocationally
216 MARGARET MOONEY MARINl AND MARY C. BR1NTON oriented programs differs markedly from that of males, and there has been no sub- stantial change in the sex typing of such programs between 1972 and 1978 (American Institutes for Research, 19801. Health, home economics, and business and office programs are enrolled in primarily by females (over 75 percent of those enrolled in 1972 and 1978 were females), and technical, agricultural, and trade and industrial programs are enrolled in primarily by males (over 75 percent of those enrolled in 1972 and 1978 were males). Only one program, retail sales, is enrolled in by approximately equal numbers of females and males (45 percent of those enrolled in 1972 and 42 percent of those enrolled in 1978 were females). Since the purpose of vocationally oriented programs is to prepare students for particular types of occupations, it can be expected that the sex typing of such programs affects subsequent occupational segregation by sex. A study by Grasso (1980) of females who did not go to college, based on data from the National Longitudinal Survey of the Labor Market Experiences of Young Women collected in 1968 and 1972, indicated that girls in all curricula had highly sex-typed occupational aspirations but that those in business and office programs were the most traditional, with 69 percent aspiring to jobs that were 80 to 100 percent female. In accordance with their aspirations, female business and office program students were more likely than others to hold female- typical jobs 4 years later, with 65 percent holding jobs that were 80 to 100 percent female. Females who had been enrolled in vocational programs, where vocational re- fers to programs other than white-colIar clerical programs, were less likely to hold female-typical jobs than those enrolled in business and office, general, and college preparatory programs. Another study of students who did not go to college by Hofferth (1980b), based on data from the National Longitudinal Surveys of the Labor Market Experiences of Young Men and Young Women, collected in 1966 and 1968 and in three subsequent follow-ups, indi- cated that those enrolled in a vocational education track were less likely to be employed in female-typical jobs 10 years after high school than those enrolled in the general, commercial, and college prepara- tory tracks, which tend to prepare students for white-collar jobs. Both the studies by Grasso (1980) and Hofferth (1980b), however, indicated that although females who had been enrolled in vocational programs were less likely to be employed in female-typed jobs, the jobs they held were less economically desirable than the jobs held by females who had been enrolled in business and office, general, and college preparatory programs. Grasso (1980) found that those enrolled in business and office programs had higher hourly wages (and yearly salaries) 4 years after high school than their peers enrolled in the general track. (Female vocational education enroll- ment was too low to permit examination of its effect on earnings.) Hofferth (1980b) found that those enrolled in a vocational education track received Tower wages 10 years after high school than those enrolled in other programs. Black females enrolled in business and office programs maintained a wage advantage 10 years after high school compared with those enrolled in other programs, although white females did not. For females attending high school in the 1960s, therefore, enrollment in a vocational education track that prepares students for typically male blue-collar jobs did not result in employment in high-earning occupations. It is possible, however, that increased fe- maTe enrollment in vocational education and greater awareness of discriminatory prac- tices in male-typed blue-collar occupations could increase the number of women entering the more desirable blue-collar occupations and thereby produce earnings . ~ gains tor women. Planned interventions to decrease sex segregation in vocationally oriented pro-
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 217 grams have shown mixed results. Evenson and O'Neit (1978) reported on several projects in the 1970s that succeeded in markedly increasing female enrollment in trade and industrial courses. Components that seemed to be related to program success included attention to the training of teachers and counselors in ways of eliminating sex bias, provision of information and individual counseling to students, and the training of students to offer peer guidance. Programs focusing on change in both teachers and students offered the advantage of an ap- proach that was well integrated. In contrast, Waite and Hudis (1980) reported on the more limited success shown by a number of programs. Although it is not possible to undertake a detailed comparison here, it appears that interventions concentrating on heightening student awareness of sex ster- eotyping do not result in altered occupational choices as much as do programs that also train school staffin issues of sex bias. Training in Mathematics and Science An important difference in the formal education of the two sexes occurs in the area of "raining in mathematics and science. From high school onward, males take more advanced math- ematics and science courses than females do (Ernest, 1976; Fennema and Sherman, 1977; Sherman and Fennema, 1977; Fox et al., 19791. This sex difference in technical train- ing has important implications for sex seg- regation in the labor market since the poorer mathematics and science training of females prevents them from entering many tradi- tionally mate occupations. As discussed be- low, recent evidence suggests that sex dif- ferences in mathematics and science training arise not so much from sex differences in the ability to master these subjects or, at least in the case of mathematics, from sex differences in the appeal of the subject as from the labeling of these fields as male do- mains. Since the physical sciences and mathematics have traditionally been consid- erecl male subjects, and children are so- cialized to view them as such, females are less likely than males to perceive training in science and mathematics as useful and to be confident of their ability in these sub- jects. For the elementary school years, when the two sexes receive comparable training in mathematics and science, studies rarely report sex differences in aptitude or achievement in these areas (Fennema, 1974a; Maccoby and lacklin, 1974; Fox et al., 1979~. At the secondary and postsecondary school levels, sex differences in performance on standardized tests are evident (Maccoby and lacklin, 1974), but studies have frequently failed to control for differential exposure to courses (Fox et al., 1979~. Thus, the sex dif- ferences observed may be attributable to sex differences in motivation to study mathe- matics and the physical sciences rather than to sex differences in ability. Studies at the elementary and secondary school levels in- dicate that males do not report greater liking for mathematics than do females, nor do males show a greater preference for mathematics relative to other subjects (Stright, 1960; Aiken, 1970, 1976; Callahan, 1971; Ernest, 1976~. Males do, however, show a greater preference for science at early grade levels (Ernest, 1976~. At the postsecondary school level sex differences in attitudes toward both mathematics and science are evident (Dre- ger and Aiken, 1957; Aiken and Dreger, 1961; Aiken, 1970; Ernest, 1976~. It would appear that, at least at the sec- ondary school level, sex differences in en- roliment in mathematics courses arise not from different levels of interest in the sub- ject but primarily from the two sexes' per- ceptions of mathematics as being differen- tially useful to them. Several studies indicate that perception of the future usefulness of mathematics is an important determinant of course enrollment in high school (Sherman and Fennema, 1977; see also Fox et al., 1979~. Sex differences in the expressed usefulness of mathematics have been reported to occur as early as the seventh grade (Hilton and
218 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON Berglund, 1974; Fennema and Sherman, 1977; Sherman ant! Fennema, 19771. There is also evidence that girls are unaware of many of the uses of mathematics in careers other than strictly scientific ones (Fennema and Sherman, 19771. In addition, sex dif- ferences in enrollment in mathematics and science courses may also exist because the two sexes are not equally confident of their abilities in these areas. Such sex differences in self-confidence are well documented (Fox et al., 1979; Parelius, 1981, 19821. There is some evidence that these differences do not exist in elementary school (Ernest, 1976) but that they develop with age (Fennema, 1974b; Ernest, 1976; Fox et al., 1979~. There is also evidence that they exist regardless of ob- jective levels of performance. That is, even when girls get good grades in mathematics and exhibit higher achievement than boys, girls perceive themselves to be less com- petent (Fennema, 1974b; Fox et al., 19791. Just as a variety of socialization agents are responsible for channeling the two sexes into different occupations, a variety of sociali- zation agents teach children that mathe- matics and science are traditionally male do- mains. As noted earlier, there is evidence that parents value mathematics achieve- ment more for their sons than for their daughters and that they estimate the math- ematics competence of their sons to be higher than that of their daughters (Fennema and Sherman, 1977; Fox et al., 19791. There is also evidence that after the sixth grade both sexes get more help with mathematics homework from fathers than from mothers (Ernest, 19761. Learning experiences of this type within the home can be expected to affect the self-conceptions of male and fe- male children in mathematics and their en- roliment in such courses (Fox et al., 19791. School teachers and counselors also con- vey messages to girls that may affect their self-confidence and interest in mathematics and science. There is evidence that teachers have different expectations for the two sexes in mathematics and science (Ernest, 1976; Fox et al., 1979) and that they are particu- larly likely to interact more with mates than females in mathematics and science classes (Levy, 1972; Good et al., 1973; Fox et al., 19791. A bad experience with a teacher is often the source of a very negative attitude toward mathematics (Ernest, 1976; Poffen- berger and Norton, 1959), although having a good teacher also is often cited as a positive factor in the intellectual development of girts (Anderson, 1963; Ernest, 1976; Fox et al., 1979~. When teachers recruit girls for math- ematics programs and have high expecta- tions for their performance, they can have decidedly positive effects (Fox et al., 19791. Mathematics and science teachers also gen- erally provide better role models for boys than for girls from secondary school onward since most teachers of these subjects are male (Ernest, 19761. Although, as discussed above, it is unclear how much influence counselors have on students, there is con- siderable evidence to indicate that counse- lors have been a source of discouragement rather than encouragement to girls wanting to take advanced mathematics and science courses (Fox et al., 19791. Such sex ster- eotyping by counselors, however, may be declining (Engelhard et al., 19761. Peer support for females interested in mathematics and science also has been lack- ing (Fox et al., 19791. Adolescents hold a more negative view of mathematically gifted girls than boys, and high school students, particularly males, view mathematics as a male domain (Ernest, 1976; Fennema and Sherman, 1977; Sherman and Fennema, 1977; Fox et al., 19791. Because the support of same-sex peers has been found to have a positive effect on the mathematics achieve- ment of girls, it is possible that a critical mass (i.e., a particular sex ratio) may be needed to provide peer support for girls and to maintain an androgynous atmosphere in mathematics and science classes (Fox et al., 1979~. The evidence available on sex differences in mathematics and science training sug-
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 219 gests that several types of interventions to increase female training in these areas may be helpful. Since sex differences in course enrollment have been found to arise at least in part from sex differences in the perceived usefulness of mathematics and science to one's future, earlier education and counseling programs that make females aware of career opportunities, ant! the courses necessary to prepare for them, may have a significant effect. Previous interventions suggest that role models are an important component of such programs (Fox et al., 1979~. Increasing the amount of mathematics and science re- quired as part of the basic school curriculum also may have a positive effect, since most sex differences in performance in mathe- matics and science and in attitudes toward these subjects emerge after it becomes pos- sible for students to elect courses. Requiring more mathematics ant! science training at higher grade levels would recluce the sex gap in mathematics and science training and might improve the attitudes of girls toward these subjects (Fox et al., 1979:322~. Other evidence that women planning to major in nontraditional fields show greater attrition from these fields during the college years (Astin and Panos, 1969; Zinberg, 1974; Er- nest, 1976) suggests that provision of psy- chological support by peer advisers (e.g., other women in nontraditional majors) might slow the rate of attrition by women. Legislation and Governmental Interven- tion Related to Education Of the legisla- tion designed to reduce sex cliscriminaton in employment and training, three pieces are particularly relevant to the occupational socialization of women prior to labor force entry: Title IX of the 1972 Educational Amendments, the Women's Educational Equity Act of 1974 and 1978, and the 1976 Vocational Education Amendments. Title IX was passed by Congress in 1972 as part ofthe Educational Amendments, and final regulations for its implementation fol- lowed in 1975. Its significance lies not only in the fact that it prohibits discriminatory policies and practices in the treatment of workers in educational settings receiving federal funds but also in the fact that it is the first legislation to specifically protect students from sex discrimination. The do- mains of its coverage of students were orig- inally interpreted broadly to include all ac- tivities affecting students within educational institutions and agencies receiving federal fiends. It therefore covered admissions pol- icies, access and treatment in curricular and extracurricular programs (including courses of study, career and course counseling, and extracurricular activities), and access to stu- dent financial awards. The Women's Edu- cational Equity Act authorized funding at all educational levels for model educational programs of national, statewide, or general significance to eliminate sex stereotyping and promote educational equity for females. It thus provided administrative backup for sex- equity legislation prohibiting discrimina- tion. As a result of a 1984 Supreme Court de- cision in Grove City v. Bell, Title IX has been reinterpreted to pertain only to those activities within educational institutions that directly receive federal funds. This inter- pretation, if allowed to stand, would limit the jurisdiction of Title IX primarily to ac- cess to student financial aid. Even before the reinterpretation of Title IX, a report by the Project on Equal Education Rights (1978), part of the Legal Defense and Education Fund of the National Organization for Women, pointed to some of the difficulties and red tape in the implementation and en- forcement of Title IX. A 1981 report by the National Advisory Council on Women's Ed- ucational Programs (which was established by the 1974 Women's Educational Equity Act), however, suggests that there has been much progress toward the goals of Title IX, although the report offers little in the way of hard evidence on the impact of Title IX. The percentages of degrees earned by women and the enrollment of women in
220 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON professional schools do indicate significant changes over the past decade, although their relationship to the implementation of leg- islation is unknown. The percentage of bachelor's degrees awarded to women in- creased from 44 percent in 1971-1972 to 55 percent in 1979-1980. Comparable figures for master's degrees were 41 and 50 percent; for doctoral degrees, 16 and 30 percent; and for first professional degrees, 6 and 25 per- cent. Percentage increases in the enroll- ment of women in professional schools dur- ing 1972-1981 are particularly impressive: dental schools, 1,011 percent; law schools, 337 percent; medical schools, 296 percent; and veterinary schools, 120 percent (Na- tional Advisory Council on Women's Edu- cational Programs, 19811. These data indicate important changes in the extent and ways in which women are participating in higher education. A study by Beller (1981) sheds some light on changes in the actual advantages that education is providing for women in terms of entrance into traditionally male occupations (defined as occupations in which the male share of employment exceeds the male share of the experienced civilian labor force by at least 5 percentage points). She found that, in 1967, increases in years of education resulted in greater access to male occupations at about twice the rate for men as for women but that by 1977 this differential had narrowed sub- stantially for those with a college education or more. Equal employment policies were credited with these gains for college-edu- cated women during the decade. Efforts to achieve equality of opportunity did not ap- pear to have increased access to male oc- cupations for those women with 12 or fewer years of education, however. The 1976 Vocational Education Amend- ments (VEA 1976) were intended to provide a basis for the development of programs to eliminate sex bias, discrimination, and ster- eotyping and to promote equal access of the sexes to vocational education. Assessment of whether the implementation of VEA 1976 has accomplished more equitable access to and benefit from vocational education pro- grams by women is aided by a 1980 report of the National Advisory Council on Voca- tional Education and the National Advisory Council on Women's Educational Pro- grams. This report presents a detailed anal- ysis of enrollment data from 15 states that together accounted for 55 percent of the na- tional enrollment in high school, postsec- ondary, and adult vocational education pro- grams. Vocationally oriented programs showed a large overall increase in enrollment of 44 percent between 1972 and 1978, while the increase in the number of women enrolled was even more dramatic 60 percent over the 6-year period. The percentage of women enrolled in traditional programs6 decreased slightly (from 65 to 56 percent), and the per- centage of women in mixed programs and nontraditional programs increased by 6 and 4 percent, respectively. The increases in women's enrollment in nontraditional pro- grams occurred in courses without a strong masculine image, such as drafting, graphic arts, and law enforcement, rather than in machine shop and construction. Examination of data for states suggests some identifiable determinants of changes in enrollments. Specifically, the greatest in- creases in women's enrollment in nontra- ditional programs occurred in states where detailed plans were formulated, involving specific goals and timetables. The more scrutiny to which schools were subjected by the state, the more action was taken. Schools that were particularly active in attempting to redress skewed ratios of males and fe- males in vocational areas were those with higher nontraditional enrollments of women to begin with. A further finding was that significantly greater increases in women's 6 Traditional vocational education programs were de- fined as those made up of at least 75. ~ percent women in 1972; mixed programs were made up of 25.1 to 75.0 percent women; and nontraditional programs had en- rollments of 0.0 to 25.0 percent women.
SEX TYPING lN OCCUPATIONAL SOClALlZATION 221 enrollment in nontraditional programs oc- curred at the postsecondary and adult ed- ucation levels than in high schools. This finding is consistent with the lack of change cited earlier in our discussion of tracking and vocational education in high schools. Several conclusions can be drawn about the effectiveness of federal legislation in providing a more sex-equitable environ- ment in the schools. First, as demonstrated by the differential success of various states' implementation of VEA 1976, the provision of federal funds coupled with a broad com- mitment will not effect change. Rather, ac- tive attention to the monitoring of schools and, in particular, the administration of pre- and inservice courses for teachers and coun- selors seem to be important. Special atten- tion needs to be focused on secondary schools, where students are influenced to make de- cisions that will have significant ramifica- tions for whether they continue on to col- lege, receive postsecondary vocational education, or immediately enter the job market. Second, the provision offemale role models in courses with a male or a "mixed" image and of male role models in courses with a female image may be a way to en- courage both sexes to consider broader ca- reer options (Rieder, 19771. Third, state programs that were the most successful in diverting high female enrollments in tradi- tional courses to less traditional specialities had established a broad base of support for women who took this route, by setting up orientation programs and providing connec- tions with potential employers. This type of comprehensive planning, including follow- up support for students making nontradi- tional choices, appears to be successful in changing sex ratios (Evenson and O'Neil, 1978). Mass Media Effects: Television Portrayal of Male and Female Occupational Roles In recent years, a good deal of attention has been directed to the influence of the mass media, particularly television, on the development of attitudes and behavior pat- terns in children. In examining the portrayal of males and females in the media, we limit our discussion to the role of television as the principal medium by which the content and importance of male and female roles are communicated to children (Schramm et al., 19611. There have also been studies of the portrayal of males and females in newspaper stories (Foreit et al., 1980), nonfictional magazine pieces (Hatch and Hatch, 1958; Clark and Esposito, 1966), magazine fiction (Franzwa, 1975), and other media sources. Many studies have indicated that males are disproportionately represented on tel- evision, whether the framework be prime- time television programs, children's pro- grams, or commercials (Courtney and Whipple, 1974; Sternglanz and Serbin, 1974; Tedesco, 1974; Women on Words and Im- ages, 1975a; Nolan et al., 19771. When sex differences in the frequencies of responses made by characters are assessed, males dominate the verbal and nonverbal action (Downes and Cowan, 19801. With respect to occupational representation, an early study (DeFIeur, 1964) found that less than 20 per- cent of the occupational roles depicted were filled by women. More recent studies con- ducted in the mid-1970s also indicate nar- rowness and sex stereotyping in the roles assigned to women. In a study of prime-time television programs receiving high Neilsen ratings in 1973, Women on Words and Im- ages (1975a) found that the range of occu- pations was nearly twice as broad for major male characters as for major female char- acters (although it was not clear whether the number of characters was held constant when such a comparison was made) and that there was little occupational overlap between the sexes. Findings were even more extreme in the case of commercials. In another study of prime-time programs, Kaniuga et al. (1974) found that among the women depicted as workers the most common occupational roles were those of secretary, nurse, and educa- tor, and in only 10 percent of the cases were the working women married. Especially no-
222 MARGARET MOONEY MARINI AND MARY C. BRINTON ticeable, therefore, was the predominance of white-collar employment for women and the implication that it was not common to combine work outside the home with mar- riage and family responsibilities. Most studies of sex-role stereotyping on television have involved content analysis and have not attempted to examine actual effects on children. Frueh and McGhee (1975), however, examined the relationship be- tween the amount of time children spent watching television and their identification with traditional sex roles. They found that high amounts of television viewing were as- sociated with stronger traditional sex-role development and that the relationship be- tween television viewing and sex-role atti- tudes existed across sexes and age groups (kindergarten, grades 2, 4, and 61. The de- gree to which actual occupational choices are conditioned by exposure to television remains unknown. But given the predomi- nance of television as a media form for chil- dren and its role as a source of information about the world, especially prior to the de- velopment of reading skills and prior to en- trance into the adult working world, it is likely to have a significant impact. Early Work Experiences A variety of groups, such as the Presi- dent's Science Advisory Committee, the National Pane} on High Schools ant] Ado- lescent Education, and the Carnegie Coun- ci! on Policy Studies in Higher Education, have advocated the participation of teen- agers in the work force as a means of helping them develop skills and attitudes that will facilitate a smoother transition into full-time adult work roles (Lewin-Epstein, 19811. Re- search on the employment experiences of youth prior to high school graduation is sparse, but two recent studies provide data portraying a sex-segregated occupational world for adolescents that closely mirrors the adult work world (Lewin-Epstein, 1981; Greenberger and Steinberg, 19831. These studies indicate that females are somewhat less likely to be employed than males and that when they are employed they tend to work fewer hours per week. The distribu- tion of students across jobs is also signifi- cantly different for the two sexes. Thus, even when work is a secondary activity and both sexes are employed in low-skill nonspecial- ized jobs, as is the case in the adolescent years, job segregation by sex emerges. In addition, as in the adult work world, adolescent females earn lower hourly wages than males, a pattern that holds across job categories, ethnic groups (whites, blacks, Hispanics), and high school grade levels. Hourly wages for adolescents are positively related to the degree to which a job is dom- inated by males, again mirroring the adult occupational environment. Based on data from the High School and Beyond survey of sophomores and seniors in a national sample of U. S. high schools in 1980, Lewin-Epstein (1981) found that sex was the most important determinant of wages earned by teenagers. He also found that the sex difference in ac- tual wages was somewhat greater than the sex difference in reservation wages, as meas- ure(1 by the lowest hourly wage students said they would accept in high school. He argued that this pattern might help account for the lower labor force participation of fe- males, since females may have greater dif- ficulty than males in meeting their wage ex- pectations in the job market. Together, sex differences in labor force participation, type of work experience, and earnings during ad- olescence are indicative of yet another way in which adolescent males and females de- velop different orientations toward the adult world of work. Summary Of the socializing influences in the lives of children and adolescents that are likely to produce sex differences in occupational orientation and preparation prior to entry into the adult work force, the earliest and
SEX TYPING IN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION 223 most pervasive ones arise within the family, where mothers and fathers not only provide information as role models and teachers but also treat male and female children differ- ently. School influences reinforce the effects of family socialization. Among these are the greater availability of same-sex role models for males across a variety of fields at higher levels of education, sex typing in the pres- entation of occupational roles in textbooks and other educational materials, sex bias in the attitudes and knowledge of guidance counselors regarding the appropriateness of various occupations for males and females, sex segregation in different vocational ed- ucation programs, and sex differences in training in mathematics and science. Sex typing in the portrayal of occupational roles in the mass media provides another source of information about the adult occupational world, as do sex differences in the actual employment experiences of adolescents prior to leaving school. It is difficult, if not im- possible, to estimate the effect of any single socializing influence on the development of sex differences in occupational orientation and job-relevant skills. However, it is clear that, collectively, they teach children to as- pire to and prepare for different occupa- tional roles in adulthoood. SOCIALIZATION AS AN EXPLANATION OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE LABOR MARKET Since the purpose of this paper is to ex- amine sex differences in occupational ori- entation and preparation prior to entry into the labor market as an outgrowth of the process of socialization and to consider the effects of these differences on subsequent sex segregation in the labor market, we wfl} conclude by discussing the role of sociali- zation as a cause of occupational segregation by sex. In attempting to understand the im- portance of socialization as a determinant of sex segregation in the labor market, it is reasonable to ask how important sex differ- ences are in the characteristics of workers prior to entry into the labor market, com- pared to the actions of employers and other legal and institutional barriers in the work- place, in accounting for sex segregation in the labor market. This question cannot be answered, however, because it does not dis- tinguish between the operation of two dis- tinct, but related, processes: one at the mi- cro level and one at the macro level. At the micro, or indiviclual, level, it is possible to examine the relative effects of different types of influences on the occu- pational outcomes of individuals in one or more cohorts. Socialization is a process that operates at the micro level, since it is the process by which individuals come to learn about the world in which they live and to understand what is considered appropriate and acceptable behavior for them. In a so- ciety in which adult roles are differentiated by sex and where the labor market is highly sex segregated, females and males develop different expectations of their adult work lives and the jobs appropriate for them via sex- role socialization. The effect of socializaton prior to entry into the labor market on the occupational outcomes of individuals can be examined by addressing the question: How important are sex differences in occupa- tional orientation and preparation prior to entry into the labor market (which arise pri- marily as a result of socialization) compared to subsequent labor market experiences (which are attributable at least in part to the actions of employers and other legal and in- stitutional barriers) in accounting for the sex- segregated pattern of employment for in- dividuals in particular cohorts? On the basis of the evidence we have presented on the (legree to which sex segregation in occu- pational aspirations approximates sex seg- regation in employment, socialization prior to entry into the labor market appears to be an important determinant of occupational outcomes for individuals, although the ex- tent to which preemployment differences in worker characteristics account for subse-
224 MARGARET MOONEY MARlNI AND MARY C. BRINTON quent sex segregation in the labor market remains to be estimated precisely using lon- gitudinal data. Because socialization prior to entry into the labor market appears to play a large role in the determination of occupational out- comes for individuals, is it reasonable to conclude that it is an important determinant of sex segregation in the labor market? Only if one is referring to its predictive power in accounting for the occupational outcomes of individuals. Socialization cannot explain why a sex-segregated labor market emerged, why each sex is allocated to particular types of occupations, and why the sex typing of oc- cupations changes in particular ways over time. These characteristics of the labor mar- ket are outcomes of macro-level processes in which such factors as the supply and de- mand for particular types of workers, the structure of work organizations, cultural be- liefs and practices, legal arrangements, and the actions of employers play a dominant role. To explain the existence of sex segre- gation in the labor market, it is necessary to address the question: Why did sex seg- regation in the labor market emerge and take the particular form it did? The answer to this question is to be found by analyzing variation at the macro level, including dif- ferences among organizations and societies and changes in these structures over time. Thus, although the maintenance of a sex- segregated labor market and changes in the pattern of segregation over time occur via the actions of individuals at the micro level, the origins, or causes, of sex segregation cannot be understood through analysis of micro-level processes such as socialization. Socialization is a process whereby prevailing cultural practices are transmitted to new generations, and as such it plays an impor- tant role in the determination of outcomes for individuals. However, the content of what is transmitted via socialization is determined by factors operating at the macro level. Understanding that socialization is essen- tially a transmission process has implications for the conclusions to be drawn from our findings regarding interventions for change in sex segregation in the labor market. Al- though our findings indicate that socializa- tion plays an important role in the deter- mination of occupational outcomes for individuals, it should not be inferred that interventions for change should focus pri- marfly on socialization practices. Because socialization is a process whereby existing cultural practices, including employment patterns, are transmitted, a reduction of sex segregation in employment affects what is transmitted via socialization and thereby ul- timately reduces sex differences in occu- pational orientation and preparation. Inter- ventions directed at changes in employment practices and in laws that affect sex segre- gation therefore can bring about both im- mediate change in employment patterns and eventual change in the messages about the occupational world that are conveyed to new generations. Throughout our discussion of socializing influences, we have commented on inter- ventions that might be undertaken to change socialization practices. Such changes are needed, and would undoubtedly effect some change in the occupational orientations and preparation of the two sexes. However, changes in socialization practices must go hand in hand with changes in employment practices. Because the actions of employers and the structure of work organizations are known to affect sex segregation, a reduction of sex differences in occupational orientation would not necessarily produce a concom- mitant reduction of sex differences in em- ployment patterns. Moreover, for a major reduction of sex differences in occupational orientation to occur, a major reduction of sex segregation in the labor market is nec- essary, since existing employment patterns affect what is learned via socialization. That is, children and young adults must observe less sex-segregated employment patterns
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