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Pages 49-68

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From page 49...
... For sons whose parental households between 1994 and 2000 ranked at the 25th percentile of the income distribution (i.e., families near the bottom of the distribution) , the figure reports the average rank of the sons' household incomes when they were ages 31 to 37.
From page 50...
... . The figure documents extraordinary intergenerational mobility among children of poor immigrants.
From page 51...
... This immigrant advantage is larger for children from lower-income households, and to a large extent it reflects the fact that immigrants are more likely to settle in areas that offer their children better opportunities for upward mobility. THE GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF INTERGENERATIONAL POVERTY Rates of intergenerational economic disadvantage differ greatly from one part of the country to another, and even from one neighborhood to another in some cities.
From page 52...
... (2020) show that, on average, Black children and Native American children in the United States have much lower rates of upward mobility (and higher rates of downward mobility)
From page 53...
... Child income is measured as mean AGI household income in 2011–2012, and parent income is measured as mean AGI household income in 1996–2000. Children are from the 1980–1982 birth cohorts and are assigned to the commuting zones where they grew up.
From page 54...
... Child income is measured as mean AGI household income in 2014–2015, and parent income is measured as mean AGI household income in 1994–2000. Children are from the 1978–1983 birth cohorts and are assigned to the census tracts where they grew up.
From page 55...
... The spatial patterns of economic mobility vary by racial/ethnic group; nonetheless, disparities in economic mobility between Black and White children persist even within neighborhoods. INTERGENERATIONAL MOBILITY: TRENDS AND COMPARISONS WITH OTHER COUNTRIES Regardless of whether the amounts of intergenerational mobility out of low-income status shown in Figures 2-1 and 2-3 are perceived to be large or small, it is useful to examine how mobility rates have changed over time and how they compare in the United States and other countries.
From page 56...
... To adjust for the fact that family incomes tend to grow with time, both parent and child household incomes are measured when earners are around age 30. Figure 2-10 shows their results for birth cohorts every 10 years, beginning
From page 57...
... This measure is calculated using children's and parents' marginal income distributions estimated using the Current Population Survey and decennial U.S. Census for the 1940–1984 birth cohorts, and a rank-rank copula estimated using tax records for the 1980–1982 birth cohorts, which is then applied to all cohorts from 1940 to 1984.
From page 58...
... In this sense, changes in inequality -- particularly the relative stagnation of wages at the bottom of the income distribution in the United States over the past 40 years -- are central to understanding the decline of absolute upward mobility. INTERGENERATIONAL MOBILITY IN THE UNITED STATES VERSUS OTHER COUNTRIES We conclude our portrait with an international comparison.
From page 59...
... A DEMOGRAPHIC PORTRAIT OF INTERGENERATIONAL CHILD POVERTY 59 Conclusion 2-5: After declining over the past 75 years, the fraction of children doing better than their parents is now lower in the United States than in most other industrialized countries. The most likely cause is that gains from economic growth have been disproportionately en joyed by higher-income families, which has made it even more difficult for those at the bottom rungs of the income distribution to work their way up.
From page 61...
... This chapter examines the histories, practices, and contexts that limit the intergenerational mobility of both Black and Native American children. These patterns are also gendered, as is discussed further in Appendix C: Chapter 3.
From page 62...
... The report focuses on the historical experiences of Native Americans and Black Americans, given the persistence of intergenerational poverty in these populations (see Chapter 2)
From page 63...
... . Whether historical or contemporary, the disproportionate rates of intergenerational poverty among Black people and Native Americans are due in part to their disproportionate subjection to impoverishment.
From page 64...
... Racial disparities are also evident in the key life experiences that are relevant for upward mobility, such as exposure to environmental toxins, residence in high-pov erty neighborhoods, and attendance at schools with college-preparatory curricula. The cumulative and intersecting nature of these disparate exposures over the life course partly explains higher rates of intergenerational poverty.
From page 65...
... housing and neighborhood resources, child welfare, criminal justice, and income and employment -- that perpetuate racial disparities in intergenerational poverty today. Throughout each section, we discuss the patterns and experiences for both Black and Native American individuals when possible.
From page 66...
... Native American children have lower preschool enrollment rates (44%) than White children (49%)
From page 67...
... and the lack of cultural fit for Native American students in mainstream educational institutions (Fryberg & Markus, 2007; Fryberg et al., 2013, 2018)
From page 68...
... School discipline is relevant as well. Black and Native American students are disproportionately subjected to harsh in-school discipline, which threatens students' well-being and learning (Beland & Kim, 2016; Gregory et al., 2017; Nowicki, 2018)


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