Bridging the Gap Between Practice and Research Forging Partnerships with Community-Based Drug and Alcohol Treatment (1998) / Chapter Skim
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Appendix C: Commissioned Paper: Drug Treatment Programs and Research: The Challenge of Bidirectionality
Appendix C: Commissioned Paper: Drug Treatment Programs and Research: The Challenge of Bidirectionality
Pages 135-146
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Some have experience working with community-based treatment programs that are not research consumers, while most others have little experience with programs not affiliated with universities, hospitals, and now health maintenance organi 135
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The two most commonly repeated descriptors of community are: (1) social land use those who share common residence within specific geographic boundaries; and (2)
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Examples are secret societies, age cohorts with distinct life courses, or people who share a decisive historic event such as war, the Great Depression, the "Sixties." There are two variations of social identity defined in time. The first is with a shared place and the second is without.
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Table C-1 shows that "community-based" or free-standing programs treat 53 percent of all drug abusers seeking recovery. Clearly, university based treatment programs exist to advance research and knowledge about drug abuse.
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Corporations have started programs to address employee's drug abuse. But in comparison, there are many more community-based programs that have arisen in response to the drug treatment needs of people with specific area or residential race, ethnic, and social class bound identities.
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The legal and formal organizational structure of Twelve Step programs is only part of what makes them "community-based." What is more important to their identity and what they do is their wori~view that values locality, their method for the social support of recovery, and their social identity as part of the twelve step recovery movement (Stephens, 1991~. The same is true for drug treatment programs started by churches, Afrocentric organizations, woman's recovery groups, labor unions, and university-based treatment programs with missions to advance teaching and research.
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Private foundations avoid funding direct services, leaving drug treatment to city, state, or federal governments. But the money comes with regulations and guidelines that make community-based programs virtual adjuncts to government social services.
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NIDA realized in the mid1980s that large-scale AIDS intervention efforts could not be mounted among injection drug users (IDUs) to slow the spread of HIV without qualitative knowledge of drug abusers and their communities.
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In the alternative view of community, we can hypothesize that community-based drug treatment serves drug abuse clients from traditional racial, ethnic, and social class communities in transition. Communities in transition have compromised employment bases, are heavily dependent upon social services, are centers of drug dealing and trafficking, and are heavily policed (Lynn and McGeary, 1990~.
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Despite the problems and open questions, bidirectionality between community-based treatment practitioners and drug treatment researchers is possible. But it will require researchers to see the community-based research movement and mission as a source of new theory, as people with potentially useful insights about drug abuse and treatment, and as a well of experience waiting to be tested that can benefit both clients, practitioners, and science.
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1977. Community Factors and Racial Composition of Drug Abuse Treatment Programs and Outcomes.
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1971. The Free Clinic: A Community Approach to Health Care and Drug Abuse.
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