Women: Their Underrepresentation and Career Differentials in Science and Engineering: Proceedings of a Conference (1987)

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EQUITABLE SCIENCE AND MATHEMATICS EDUCATION: A DISCREPANCY MODEL Jane Butler Kahle and Marsha Lakes Matyas Introduction A l5-year-old girl in rural America once said, "There are some women scientists; but men have been in it longer. Women can do the same job as men. They may have a different way of thinking and might improve science" (Kahle, l985:68). Her words were fortuitous because they were spoken a few days before Barbara McClintock won the Nobel prize for looking at maize in a different way and for thinking about genetics in a different manner. McClintock1s work, unrecognized and even scorned for decades, epitomizes the concern that not only indi- vidual women but also the scientific community and society as a whole suffer because of a lack of equity in science and mathematics educa- tion. Perhaps Maria Mitchell, one of the first women to be recognized as a scientist, said it best: In my younger days, when I was pained by the half-educated, loose, and inaccurate ways which we (women) all had, I used to say, "How much women need exact science," but since I have known some workers in science who were not always true to the teachings of nature, who have loved self more than science, I have now said, "How much science needs women." (Maria Mitchell's presidential address to the Third Congress of Women in l875; quoted in Rossiter, l982:l5) Over a century later, as the McClintock story dramatized, science and engineering still need women. Study after study in the developed Western world suggests that girls and women receive very different educations in mathematics and science than boys and men do. Some of the differences are subtle; others are overt. This paper examines both types from preschool to college, focusing on differences in edu- cational settings while acknowledging the impact of cultural, socio- logical, and environmental factors upon educational institutions. Using McCune's (l986) model of desegregation (Figure l), it proposes that today (l) equal access is accepted and (2) once a student is enrolled, equal treatment is assumed. However, equal outcomes have not been achieved in science and mathematics education.

Excellence Quality r _, Equity Equal Outcomes Restructuring I Improvement Equal Treatment Equal Access Physical Desegregation SOURCE: S. McCune, Bridging the Gap Through Responding and Restructur- ing, paper presented at the Bridging the Gap Seminar, McRel Sex Equity Center, Kansas City, February l986. Figure l Levels of desegregation. The Discrepancy Model That proposition will be developed by employing a discrepancy model that first examines the ideal state (in this case, what consti- tutes equitable science education). The ideal state is constructed from objective evidence prior to the description of the actual state, today's science and mathematics education. And, last, the pathway from the actual to the ideal is delineated. in developing the model, a search of the work of experts from a variety of fields—for example, mathematics, science, education, sociology, and psychology—is a pre- requisite, for the ideal state must not be based on opinion. Rather, it should be developed from the vast array of research and writings available. The actual state, too, is built from the writings of a variety of experts, including classroom teachers, science and engi- neering professors and educational researchers, education researchers, industrial managers, and professional colleagues. Brick by brick the actual state is constructed. Then, the two states are compared. Eventually, the goal is an evolution from the actual to the ideal state or from inequitable to equitable education in science and mathematics. The Ideal State of Science and Mathematics Education Researchers who have sought to identify factors leading to excellent and equitable science and mathematics education and who have analyzed curricula, teacher behaviors, and classroom climates concur

that an ideal science or mathematics classroom or curriculum equally benefits all students. After conducting a 6-month case study of a Colorado science teacher noted for her success in motivating girls to continue to study science, a researcher summarized that premise: I think that rather than identifying a teacher who con- sciously encourages females in science, we have simply identified a very good teacher, whose talent, commitment, and rapport with her students combine to make the study of science an interesting and enjoyable endeavor. (Kahle, l983a:26) In science, particularly, reaching the ideal state is hampered by the prevalent, and perhaps irrelevant, popular image of science, which will be described in the actual state. For now, let us agree that in the ideal state science as well as mathematics will have factual rather than romanticized images. Both, in the ideal state, will be charac- terized not as the objective discovery of truth but rather as very human and humane endeavors. One result of a more accurate character- ization of science will be a change in science's image: [The] view of scientific activity, in which a range of interpretations is seen as central, not as abnormal, and in which people are allowed to express and justify different points of view, [will] be much less sexist than the existing stereotype. (Harlen, l985:545) In both disciplines, understanding, rather than absolutes, will be emphasized. Creativity and social discourse will become an integral part of school science and mathematics as they are in actual science and engineering. Elementary School The opportunity for children to experience science activi- ties exists at the elementary school level perhaps more readily than at later stages of education. If we wish to in- crease girls' access to science, therefore, science at this early level has a vital part to play. (Harlen, l985:545) Many have argued that the elementary school is the critical place for change: change in formal and informal science and mathematics cur- ricula, change in classroom instruction and interactions, and change in school structure and socialization. Although, compared with sec- ondary schools, fewer studies or intervention projects have been con- ducted at the elementary level, a pattern for change is beginning to develop, one which indicates the ideal situation of tomorrow. The Curriculum. The anomoly exists that one ideal type of curriculum for elementary school science has existed for several decades, yet it is little used, and if implemented, it is frequently misused. That is

the student-centered, activity-based curricula of the l960s and l970s: SCIS, Science Curriculum Improvement Study, and SAPA, Science, A Pro- cess Approach. They have faded from classrooms for three primary rea- sons: teachers have not understood the scientific principles that the materials promulgated, classrooms have not been organized for small group interactions in science, and schools have not provided the equipment or the scheduling required. However, recent analyses make a strong case for their redemption in the ideal state. For example, a review of 34 evaluative studies indicates that children using the "hands-on" curriculum achieved better on every measure of achievement than did those children studying "textbook" science. In fact, one analysis of l3,000 children in l,000 U.S. classrooms has demonstrated that children who have experienced the innovative materials surpass those who have received traditional instruction. They achieve higher on measures of science processes, creativity, perception, logic, development, science content, and mathematics. in addition, the opportunities provided by the "hands-on" materials for experimentation—as well as for handling instruments, for making measurements, for observing natural phenomena, for collecting data, and for making interpretations—have the potential of producing equal outcomes. Study after study documents that girls and boys enter elementary school with equal interest in science but with unequal experiences in science (Iliams, l985; Kahle and Lakes, l983; Kelly, l985). The "hands-on" curricula not only provide opportunities for the experien- tial background needed by all students for secondary and tertiary sci- ence courses, they also provide girls with experiences not readily accessible to them otherwise. As Iliams has stated, "Girls are less likely than boys to make up the education deficiency in out-of-school experiences" (l985:79). A group of science and mathematics teachers in independent schools has suggested aspects of the ideal mathematics curriculum. For ex- ample, problems will be related to everyday financial decisions; parents will be encouraged to involve girls in family decisions; and practice with decoding "word problems" will be integrated into the reading curricula. In addition to an activity/process/child orientation, elementary science and mathematics curricula in the ideal state will have the following characteristics, according to Whyte (l984): • Activities that begin with everyday phenomena as starting points; • Activities that foster cooperative, rather than competitive, investigations; • Texts and other materials that show some girls and women in active roles and some boys and men in nurturing roles; • Activities that encourage all children to be involved in risk-taking situations; • Content that is success, not failure, oriented; • Content that is based on values related to interaction and equilibrium, rather than on values related to control and dominance; and 8

• Texts, materials, and examples that use both male and female prototypes. In addition to substantive curricular changes, elementary science as well as mathematics in the ideal state will be taught in "prime time"—that is, in the morning, which has traditionally been reserved for "important subjects" such as reading, spelling, and arithmetic. The Classroom. Partly as a result of the process curricula and partly because of changes in the education of elementary teachers, instruc- tional interactions and teacher behaviors will be different also. Some of the suggested changes are firmly grounded in recent research. For example, an analysis of "desired" versus "actual" activities in science reveals that elementary-age girls wish to do many more things than they have actually done (Kahle and Lakes, l983). Teachers, cognizant of such studies, will provide opportunities for girls to use scales, magnifying glasses, balances, telescopes, and microscopes. A classic experiment—conducted by Rennie, Parker, and Hutchinson (l985) in western Australia—demonstrates the effectiveness of innova- tive in-service training upon student outcomes. Briefly, they provided matched pairs of elementary teachers, both male and female, with intensive training in the skills of teaching electricity as well as with information about nonsexist teaching. A comparable group received only the skills training. Their results indicate the efficacy of changing teaching behaviors to effect changes in student attitudes. They found "a slight but consistent tendency for students in the Experimental Group classes to perceive girls as more competent with electricity than did students in Control Group classes" (Parker, l985:l2). When they asked the Year 5 children if they could become electricians, 90 percent of the boys in both the experimental and control classes responded positively, while 85 percent of the girls in the Experimental Group said "yes" compared to only 70 percent of the girls in the Control Group (Parker, l985). Their study illustrates the effect of experience on both attitudes and self-confidence. In three different countries, definitive studies have shown that experience makes the difference; that is, boys and girls express similar interest in topics with which they have had ex- perience (Kahle, l985; Parker, l985; Smail, l985). Therefore, instruc- tional interactions in the ideal state must provide experiences with the equipment and instruments of science and with the models and the- ories of mathematics rather than with their facts. One practical change is that in the ideal classroom, boys and girls will have equal access to the equipment and resources for science and to the models and resources for mathematics. Harlen (l985) noted other instructional interactions that the ideal classroom would include: • Assigning boys and girls equally to tasks that involve lift- ing, carrying, tidying, and cleaning up; • Promoting cooperative, not competitive, grouping of students for science and mathematics; • Prohibiting the practice of "calling out" answers to teachers' questions; 9

• Initiating more wait-time for girls' responses; • Monitoring nonverbal behaviors, such as loss of eye contact or rapid nodding, which encourage girls to cut short their responses; and • Engaging girls as often as boys with both positive and nega- tive feedback concerning their intellectual performances. Elementary teachers do not consciously promulgate sexism in their classrooms; rather, their unplanned teaching acts may lead to such be- haviors and practices. In the ideal state, teachers will be cognizant of the effects of such unplanned teaching acts and, therefore, be able to monitor them. Teachers not only verbally communicate their expec- tancies by more frequently calling and/or praising students for whom they hold high expectations, they also communicate them, perhaps more powerfully, in nonverbal ways. In the ideal state, teachers will expect comparable work and behavior from both boys and girls and will reward both in similar ways. The School. Changes are needed in the elementary school as an insti- tution in the ideal state. Basically, convenient management techniques that consistently separate children on the basis of sex will be avoided. For example, students may be lined up according to the alpha- bet rather than by gender. Or they may be separated by hair or eye color, by handedness, by reading group. On both the playground and in the classrooms, areas should be specified for quiet and adventurous activities, and both boys and girls should be encouraged to partici- pate in both types. Older boys as well as girls should be assigned to assist with younger children. The school in the ideal state will provide an optimal setting for science and mathematics instruction because there will be equity in the corridors as well as in the class- rooms. Secondary School Of all the stages of life, adolescence is the most volatile —full of promise, energy, and, because of newly achieved freedom and potency, substantial peril. In its freshness, adolescence is attractive. In its enthusiasms, it can be, to older folk at least, exhausting. For most people, it is pivotal: it is the time of life when we find out who we are becoming, what we are good at, what and who we like. What happens in these years profoundly affects what follows. (Sizer, l984:l) In the ideal state as well as in the real one described above by Sizer, secondary schools and their classrooms of mathematics, biology, chemistry, and physics are pivotal in terms of retaining students in science and engineering; for one's failure to enroll in either science or math firmly, if not permanently, closes future laboratory doors. First, the description of ideal secondary science curricula, classes, l0

and schools is derived from the findings of three recent major studies, one in the United States and two in the United Kingdom. Next, a com- parable description will describe the ideal state of mathematics in secondary schools. In science, a national study under the auspices of the National Association of Biology Teachers (NABT) identified and observed biology teachers who were successful in motivating tenth-grade girls to elect optional physics and chemistry courses (Kahle, l983a, b). Selected teachers from Maine to California were observed, parents and princi- pals were interviewed, and past and present students were surveyed. Approximately 395 children of all races and from varied backgrounds participated in the study, conducted in diverse communities across America. It provided a composite picture as well as a collective pool of data from which commonalities were identified and generalizations were made. Indeed, the study described facets of the ideal curriculum, teacher, classroom, and school. One of the projects in the United Kingdom, Girls in Science and Technology (GIST), was action-based research—that is, its teacher participants were actively involved in the intervention program (Kelly, et al., l984). GIST involved l0 comprehensive schools in the large manufacturing environs of Manchester and studied more than 2,000 children from the time they entered lower school (age ll) until they made their subject choices at age l4. Although its findings portrayed the actual classroom and school, the research team developed some ideal curricula and hypothesized about ideal situations. The last study, also from the United Kingdom, differed from the first two in that it dealt with interpretation rather than actual intervention. Two researchers, Johnson and Murphy (l986), interpreted the results of the national APU survey in order to suggest ways to improve science education for girls. Their suggestions, too, portend the ideal state. The Curriculum. Although the ideal curriculum will be derived from all three studies, it will be filtered through three factors shown to influence subject choice: interest (significantly more important for girls than for boys), previous performance, and career value. The GIST project developed and tested new curricula as part of its 4-year study; that is, when the teacher-participants requested new or different materials, they were developed. Curricular materials were designed to be what Jan Harding (l985) has called "girl-friendly science." That is, they had the following characteristics: • Focused on relationships as well as rules, • Focused on people as well as machines, • Developed a pragmatic rather than a dogmatic approach, • Viewed the world as a network rather than a hierarchy of relationships, • Emphasized the aesthetic as well as the analytical as- pects of science, and • Focused on nurturing living beings as well as on con- trolling inanimate things. (Smail, l984:27) ll

Drugs + History of medicine Diseases + infections Microorganisms Communities + Ecology Temperature Light: Lenses- + colour Telescopes + Astronomy Eyes Pollution + Environment -^ Teeth —^-Digestion Human Body and How It Works ^Forces Sound Sound recording Lungs Particles Tapes, cassettes, records Air and air pressure Convection l I Electricity Heat Figure 2 Concept map of a lower-school science curriculum based on the human body. The proposed curriculum would cover three years of general science from about ages ll to l4. Topics in physics, chemistry, and astronomy as well as basic biology would be included under the rubric of human biology (as shown in Figure 2). The GIST researchers and teachers used .the human body as the integrating topic because an initial survey demonstrated that it was the only science topic among eight choices in which ll-year-old boys and girls both showed a high interest, as shown in Table l. The GIST project, as well as the other two, also proposed the in- tegration of the actual contributions of women scientists into the curriculum. In addition, both British projects stress the inclusion of "tinkering" activities in order to overcome the lack of such expe- riences by girls. The results of both the GIST and the NABT projects l2

TABLE l: Expressed Interest in Science Topics by ll-Year-Old Students in the GIST Project (in percent) Girls Boys Human body 25.7 Rockets and space travel l9.9 Birds 2l.8 How cars work l8.l Seeds 2l.2 Human body l5.2 Pond life l4.0 Birds ll.7 Rocks/fossils l0.3 Pond life ll.2 How cars work 3.5 Seeds l0.3 Chemistry set l.9 Rocks/fossils 9.l Rockets and space travel 0.6 Chemistry set 4.5 SOURCE: B. Smail, Girl-Friendly Science: Avoiding Sex Bias in the Curriculum, London: Longman, l984, p. l3. demonstrate that the ideal secondary science curriculum must provide experiences with rotating three-dimensioaal figures in space, with drawing and conceptualizing three-dimensional forms, and with pro- jecting curvilinear distances and outcomes. Such experiences increase a child's visual-spatial ability. Since girls usually have less expe- rience with the toys, games, and activities that enhance spatial abil- ity, opportunities must be constructed in the curriculum. The GIST project has revealed that although boys initally score better on spa- tial ability tests, the enrollment of girls in one technical craft course eradicates the gender difference (Kelly, et al., l984). All three projects concur that extensive laboratory work is needed in the ideal curriculum. The laboratory builds upon two facets: (l) interest and (2) experience. Perhaps a l5-year-old girl in Louisiana described the interest aspect best when she said, I enjoy working with microscopes. We had a cow heart and we opened it up. [We] looked in the microscope at the dif- ferent parts of the inside of the heart and I enjoyed that. (Kahle, l985:54) The need for experience with the actual tools and techniques of science is supported by the findings of all three major studies. Boys as well as girls express anxiety if they do not have sufficient past per- formance against which to gauge future success. For example, the NABT study found that girls express little anxiety about focusing a micro- scope with which they have had experience but great anxiety about wir- ing an electric circuit for which they have had none. Boys, on the other hand, express concern about taking the temperature of a living organism, a technique with which they have had less previous experi- ence. In addition, the GIST project suggests that the image of science l3

as dangerous inhibits girls in partaking equally in some science expe- riences. Safety precautions in the ideal curricula, therefore, will be expressed in a routine, nonalarming way. The NABT study suggests that the ideal science curriculum will also feature alternative and supplementary materials, teacher-developed materials that include examples and exemplars drawn from the common experiences of girls (sewing machines and volleyball) as well as those of boys (cars and football) . In addition, the NABT study indicates the value of career information in ideal curricular materials. For example, over two-thirds of the children in the NABT study noted that career information was important. All of the studies recommend two basic changes in science curricula. First,the lack of sexism in pub- lished texts and in teacher-prepared materials as well as in teacher examples, language, and humor will be important. And, second, an in- fusion of informal counselling activities that provide both science and technological career information will be a prerequisite. Participation in science hobbies and science-related extracurric- ular activities is an excellent predictor of high school science interest (Hasan, l975; Wright and Hounshell, l98l) and of later under- graduate and graduate work in science (Neujahr and Hansen, l970). In the ideal state, male and female students will participate equally in science and mathematics extracurricular activities and will have opportunities to encounter science and engineering role models of both sexes. The Classroom. The NABT study focused primarily on teaching behaviors and instructional strategies that encourage girls as well as boys to continue to study science and mathematics. A subsequent study analyzed the practicality of extending its findings to the practices of other teachers. Combined, the two projects provide a perspective on both what is preferable and what is practical in the ideal secondary science classroom. Specific instructional strategies, applicable in the ideal state, include a focus on classroom discussion as well as individual and laboratory work. In addition, diverse media as well as field experiences will be used, and independent projects and library research will be integrated into the instruction. Furthermore, three unique findings portend changes in instructional patterns: (l) teachers who are successful in encouraging students to continue in science and mathematics quiz or test their students once a week; (2) they encourage creativity, noted by 58 percent of boys and 67 percent of girls; and (3) they foster basic skill development, according to over 70 percent of both boys and girls surveyed. The implementation of science and mathematics activities that develop creativity and originality while teaching basic skills will be an important change in the ideal science classroom. The infusion of creativity will add a new dimension to the image of classroom mathematics and science, while competency in basic skills such as measuring, graphing, and titrating will increase inter- est as well as the probability of success in science and engineering for all students. Since ethnographic studies indicate that girls are more interactive during individualized and some small-group activities, l4

science teaching will favor that style of instruction rather than the whole-class mode (Tobin and Garnett, l986). All three projects, as well as innumerable other studies, have analyzed teacher behaviors; their findings allow us to describe teacher behavior in the ideal state. The ideal science teachers, both men and women, will practice what Shirley Malcom (l983b) calls "directed in- tervention"—that is, all students will be actively and positively encouraged to participate, to respond, and to question. Since Kelly (l985) suggests that maintaining gender differentiation is not primarily due to teacher interactions but rather is due to the behavior of the children themselves, directed intervention may be one of the best ways to encourage girls. In l98l, Galton identified three teaching styles in science: problem solvers, involving a high frequency of teacher questions and a low frequency of pupil-initiated or -maintained activities; informers, using teacher delivery of facts and an infrequent use of questions except to recall facts; and inquirers, using pupil- initiated and -maintained experiments as well as inferring, for- mulating, and testing hypotheses. The three major studies support Galton's conclusion that girls prefer the latter style of teaching— that is, the inquirers. interestingly, it is the style most often used in biology classes, often selected by girls, while the problem-solver strategy is more frequently used in physics, which few girls elect to study. An adaptation of the inquiring style into all science and mathematics classrooms will benefit both boys and girls, for science is a cooperative, social activity that evolves due to a cycle of hypothesis testing, and mathematics relies on social discourse as the- ories are tried and tested. The NABT study suggests another aspect of the ideal science class- room: all of the exemplary classrooms—whether in a wealthy suburban area or in an urban ghetto—provided pleasant, attractive, and stimu- lating environments for learning science. Future classrooms will be filled with posters, aquaria, terraria, plants, animals, models, scales, levers, computers, and other devices that will motivate girls as well as boys to study science and mathematics. The School. All of the teachers in the NABT study indicated that their support and encouragement came from students' parents and their com- munities rather than from their peers and superiors. They, at least, experienced benign neglect and were able to use innovative materials and techniques without bureaucratic interference. The ideal school, however, will identify and encourage creative science and mathematics teachers. In addition, it will provide both a setting and administra- tive services to foster learning free of sex-role stereotypes. Courses will be scheduled so that students may take as many science and mathe- matics options as they wish. In addition, traditionally female and male classes will not conflict so that girls, too, will enroll in courses such as electronics, calculus, drafting, metal-working, and physics. Furthermore, counselling or guidance offices within schools will provide non-traditional information rather than promulgate sex- l5

stereotyped course and career selections. Changes within the counsel- ling system will be among the most important ones in an ideal school. Informed choice will be the key for both boys and girls in the future, ideal school. Transition. Sue Berryman (l983) discussed the pipeline that leads to science and engineering careers. She has found that women leave the pipeline near its end—i.e., at the doctoral level—while minorities exit from it between high school and college. The transition stage between high school and college, therefore, is critical, particularly for minority women. The ideal state, however, has excellent models for the retention of women in science and engineering courses. These models are primarily from the diverse "women in engineering programs" in the United States. Many of those programs have used undergraduate women in engineering to recruit and encourage high school girls; this practice will be a common one in the ideal state. Gardner (l986) has applied the same technique with science majors and has found it successful. Likewise, many women and minority mathe- matics' programs at the University of California and Mills College have successfully used role models, slightly older than the target group of students, to recruit applicants to nontraditional courses. In addition, recent students have identified nonacademic factors that predict women's attrition from nontraditional courses (Gardner, l986; Matyas, l986). In the ideal state, prediction formulas will be used to assess the probability of competent women remaining in nontradi- tional majors and appropriate counselling will be used as needed. The Actual State of Science and Mathematics Education Our children and our students are participants in a complex process that equips one sex with math, science, and techni- cal skills indispensable to functioning in the adult world, while it fails to encourage the same development in the other sex. Although the lives of individual women are the most negatively and directly affected, the loss to both sexes is immense. (Skolnick, et al., l982:2) In the fall of l985, the Office of Opportunities of the American Association for the Advancement of Science convened researchers to discuss the current status of research concerning precollege and minority students in science and mathematics. The following five points arose during the discussion: (l) More research had been done on females than on minorities; (2) More research had been done at the senior high school level than at the junior high and elementary levels; (3) Almost no data had been collected, analyzed, and reported by sex and race simultaneously, resulting in little information about minority females; 16

(4) Most of the research had been correlational with only a few studies employing theoretical models, causal analysis, expe- rimental techniques, or longitudinal designs; and (5) Research had focused primarily on finding differences between boys and girls, rather than on determining optimal learning situations. Factors leading to the above state of knowledge as well as descriptors of the actual state of science and mathematics education will be dis- cussed in this section. The focal point of the discussion will be the image of science, engineering, and mathematics in the minds of students, parents, and teachers. Today, in the minds of students and in the perceptions of teachers, science and mathematics are masculine. Indeed, the scien- tist has replaced the cowboy in the adolescent's imagination as the hero, or anti-hero, who is fearless, strong, and lone. It is futile to argue that since that image may be largely derived from the media, television, movies, and advertisements, it cannot be changed. There is a wealth of evidence to support the contention that regardless of how, when, and where the masculine images of science and math evolved, schools and universitites, teachers and professors sustain it. In fact, gender is recontextualized within schools so that "the notion of appropriate behavior for each sex [is] converted into appropriate aca- demic disciplines" [MacDonald (l980), in Kelly (l985)]. Once subjects have acquired a gender status, in this case, masculine, participation in it is seen to reinforce a boy's masculinity and to diminish a girl's femininity. The reverse is obviously true for feminine subjects such as French or typing. Two types of studies have validated the masculine images of science and mathematics. In one type, students have been asked to rate school subjects on a number of dimensions, one of which is a masculine/feminine scale. The results indicate that woodworking and physics are seen as the most masculine subjects, followed by math and chemistry. While history and biology are rated as neutral subjects, English, French, typing and cooking are viewed as feminine ones (Weinreich-Haste, l98l). Although comparable studies have not been done in mathematics, another verification of science's image is found when children and teachers are asked to draw a scientist. Over- whelmingly, the drawings portray white, disheveled males (Chambers, l983; Kahle, l986b; Schibeci, l986). What is the effect of this masculine image on students, teachers, curriculum, and courses? Alison Kelly maintains that "[T]he masculinity of science is often . . . the prime reason that girls tend to avoid the subject at school," and she suggests that "schools could play a transformative, rather than a reproductive, role in the formation of gender identities" (Kelly, l985:l33). There is every reason to believe that although the research summarized is from science, a comparable situation exists in mathematics. According to Kelly (l985), there are at least four distinct senses in which science is masculine: l7

(l) In terms of numbers: that is, who studies science at school, who teaches precollege and college science, and who are rec- ognized as scientists (e.g., National Academy, Nobel laureates, NSF fellowships and research grants). (2) In terms of packaging: that is, the way science is pre- sented, the curricula and instructional techniques, the applications and examples as well as the texts and other published materials. (3) In terms of practice: that is, classroom behaviors and interactions such as teacher expectancies, sex role stereotyping, student-teacher interactions, and student- student interactions. (4) In terms of biological differences: that is, genetic or hormonal factors. Today, numbers, packaging, and practice all lead to a masculine image. In today's media and press, any differences found in the achievement levels or aptitudes of boys and girls in science and mathematics are often attributed to inherited abilities. Therefore, all four factors will be discussed and described in the actual state of science and mathematics education. Numbers The numbers of boys and girls who study science and mathematics and of men and women who practice science contribute to their mascu- line images. In one sense, the media's image of a white male scien- tist or mathematician accurately reflects the situation; there are more male scientists and mathematicians, and they have higher status. In elementary education the real issue lies behind the overt numbers of students and in the covert ways in which boys and girls experience science and arithmetic. Research suggests that boys and girls bring different scientific and quantitative experiences to school and that in school they receive very different educations in science and mathematics. Specifically, from England (Smail, l984), the U.S. (Kahle and Lakes, l983), and Australia (Parker and Rennie, l986), there is clear documentation that fewer girls than boys handle science equipment, perform science experiments, or participate in science-related activities. The differential backgrounds that boys and girls bring to elementary school are perpetuated by them. In addition, international projects report that although boys and girls express interest in slightly different types of science, the overall levels of their interest are similar. Furthermore, for both boys and girls, interests are directly related to areas of daily experience—that is: Where the experience is one which is likely to be universal (e.g., earthworms, shadows, germs, water and weather), very little sex-differentiation of interest is shown. In other areas, such as wheels and motors and growing a vegetable or flower garden, where boys' and girls' out-of-school experi- l8

ences are likely to be quite different, clear sex-stereo- typing is revealed. (Parker and Rennie, l986:l77) In mathematics there is clear documentation that boys, compared with girls, are expected by teachers to perform better, receive more teacher praise and criticism concerning mathematical performances, and excel in competitive games or chalkboard contests (Eccles, l984; Wilkinson and Marrett, l985). Clearly, the "numbers game" in elementary school is a subtle one. Equal numbers of girls and boys may sit through science and arithmetic lessons, but they participate in them in unequal ways. The image of mathematics and science courses becomes more mascu- line in secondary school, where the numbers of boys taking science and mathematics as well as of men teaching science and mathematics in- crease. In the United States, only 24 percent of secondary school science teachers are women, and it may be safely said that most of them teach biology. Although virtually all high school students take biology (which functions as a required, introductory science course), only 30 percent of high school girls, compared to 39 percent of boys, take chemistry while physics, taken by 26 percent of all high school boys, is studied by only l4 percent of American girls. Overall, boys take one-fourth more year of high school mathematics and one-third more year of physical science than do girls, and the differences are found within each of the racial/ethnic groups (NSF, l986). In mathematics a similar situation is found. Although equal numbers of boys and girls study algebra and geometry, boys compared with girls are more likely to enroll in trigonometry (26 percent versus 20 percent) and calculus (8 percent versus 6 percent). Consis- tent sex differences in mathematics performance do not arise until students are in high school (Chipman and Thomas, l985; Eccles, l985; Linn and Petersen, l986; Lockheed, et al., l985). When differences do arise, females tend to perform better than do males on some tests of computational skills, while males tend to perform better on items in- volving problem-solving skills. Overall, mathematical achievement differences often are accounted for by differences in course-taking between male and female students (Chipman and Thomas, l985). For example, among l982 graduating seniors, only 35 percent of females, compared to 47 percent of males, have studied four or more years of high school science. Among those who anticipate science and engineering majors, one- quarter of both men and women initially choose computer science, while proportionally more women than men choose mathematics majors. Data in Table 2 indicate that with the exception of engineering (which favors men) and psychology and social sciences (which favor women), comparable percentages of young women and young men intend to study science in college. Similar patterns are found among gifted and talented women (Fleming and Hollinger, l979; Hansen and Neujahr, l974; Wright and Hounshell, l98l). Comparisons by sex and race indicate that black and Asian women are more likely than those of other racial/ethnic groups to choose physical science majors (NSF, l986). Furthermore, women with physical disabilities also are underrepresented in science-related majors. They tend to be concentrated in social and human services l9

TABLE 2: Intended Science/Engineering Field of Study of l984 College- Bound Seniors, by Sex Percentage* Field Total Male Female Science and engineering (Total) l00.0 l00.0 l00.0 Biological sciences 7.9 6.0 l0.4 Agriculture 2.5 3.0 2.0 Computer science 24.6 24.0 25.8 Mathematics 2.8 2.4 3.7 Physical sciences 4.3 5.0 3.4 Engineering 30.4 42.5 l2.l Psychology 8.9 2.8 l7.8 Social sciences l8.5 l4.5 24.8 *May not total l00.0 percent due to rounding. SOURCE: College Entrance Examination Board, in National Science Foun- dation, Women and Minorities in Science and Engineering, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, l986. majors that offer poorer employment opportunities than do science and engineering majors (Ruffner, in Hopkins-Best, et al., l985). Packaging Texts, published materials, posters, library books, examples, and exemplars all portray more male scientists and mathematicians and in- corporate more of their work. Due to publisher guidelines that ensure that segments of our population are represented pictorially in correct proportions, most texts have 50 percent of illustrations and diagrams showing females and l7 percent depicting blacks. However, the cosmetic changes mask the lack of substantive ones. For example, in the l985 editions of two popular high school biology texts, 75-98 percent of the cited scientific work described the contributions of men, while women's work was cited 2-4 percent. Table 3 shows how secondary American science texts compare with those of comparable countries. In all cases, science is packaged as masculine. Although fewer illustra- tions are used in mathematics texts, U.S. publishers conform to the proportional representation. However, the contributions of women mathematicians are seldom cited. The packaging of science and mathematics outside of schools also leads to masculine images. For example, a lack of role models has often been cited as a reason for the lack of science and mathematics 20

TABLE 3: Gender Analysis of Illustrations in Science Texts Country Date Text Percentages Male Female Unknown UK UK UK USA USA USA USA (unknown) Nuffield Combines Science (activity books) (unknown) Science for the 20's (unknown) Science 2000 l983 Holt, Modern Biology Scott-Foresman, Biology l983 l983 l985 Merrill, Biology—Living Systems BSCS, Biological Sciences: A Molecular Approach 78 62 62 63 58 57 5l l4 3l 2l 30 35 34 49 8 7 l7 7 7 9 USA l985 Scott-Foresman, Biology 60 32 8 Australia l98l Fundamental Science, BK 2 85 l5 0 Australia l98l Fundamental Science, BK 3 54 38 8 Australia l982 Towards Tomorrow 90 l0 0 SOURCES: B. Smail, Girl-Friendly Science: Avoiding Sex Bias in the Curriculum, London: Longman, l984; J. B. Kahle, SCORES: Science Career Options for Rural Environment Students, Women's Educational Equity Action League Report No. GXX 840 22l9, Washington, D.C.: The League, l986; and J. B. Kahle, "The Image of Science," in Gender Issues in Science Education, B. Fraser (ed.), Bentley: Western Australian Institute of Technology, l986. interest among young women. Most children encounter few science role models in person during their precollege years. Although the evidence is divided, some studies suggest that the presence of female science or mathematics role models may have an impact on encouraging girls and women to enter science and engineering courses and careers (Casserly, l979; Fox and Richmond, l979; Kingdon and Sedlacek, l982; LeBold, e_t al., l983; Weishaar, et al., l98l). Furthermore, it has been suggested that models may be effective whether they are encountered through 2l

When not required, have you ... Read science , article — magazine? EZ2Z2Z [ n • D Age 1 7 •.7.77V Read science .a article — newspaper? BAao 1 3 i Y/////, H Y////////////////////// Watched science - f shows on TV? \ Gone to science Y/////t L_ Yj/S/SS////////////// Read books \ •d on science? Talked science Y////////////, 1 •c with friends? Y/////// Done science \ b. projects? Worked with V////////////////////, \ a science hobbies? -8 -7 -6 -5 -4 -3 -2 Percent Below Mean -1 National Mean (Age 13 & 17) SOURCE: Jane Butler Kahle and Marsha K. Lakes, "The Myth of Equality in Science Classrooms," Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 20:l3l-l40, l983. Figure 3 Female differences from national mean on items concerning extracuriccular, nonrequired science activities, ages l3 and l7. written materials, on television, or in person (Eisenstock, l984; Haas, et al., l984; Malcom, 1983a; 0"Bryant and Corder-Bolz, l978; Tibbetts, l975). In addition, extracurricular activities of school-age children may lead boys and girls to perceive the science or mathematics "package" differently. For example, both NAEP assessments have shown that boys and girls do not participate equally in extracurricular science activities. As early as age 9, girls have less extensive backgrounds in science-related activities than their male peers (Hueftle, et al., l983; Kahle and Lakes, l983). Furthermore, the dif- ferences increase with age, according to information presented in Figure 3. Notably, gender differences in science activity participa- tion precede later gender differences in science attitudes and achieve- ment (Haertle, et al., l98l; Kahle and Lakes, l983). 22

TABLE 4: Teacher Markings of Science Work Attributed to l2-Year-Old Boys and Girls Teacher Sex Paper Marks Student Sex Male Female Male High marks 6 2* Low marks ll l9* Female High marks 30 7* Low marks 3 l2* *p = 0.l SOURCE: M. G. Spear, "Sex Bias in Science Teachers' Ratings of Work and Pupil Characteristics," European Journal of Science Education, l984, pp. 374, 375. Practice Today teachers typically hold higher general academic expectations for male students than for female students (Clifton, et al., l986; Eccles, l984). In mathematics, sex differences in teacher expectations are not always found, but when they are present, they favor boys (Eccles, l985; Wilkinson and Marrett, l985). One experimental study, shown in Table 4, asked science teachers to evaluate samples of stu- dents' work (Spear, l984a, b) . When teachers believed that the work had been done by a boy, it was judged more scientifically accurate, better organized, richer in ideas, and more concise than when the work was attributed to a girl. Papers attributed to girls were judged to be neater than those assigned to boys. Furthermore, when teachers are asked to identify scientifically talented or gifted students, a cross-cultural pattern emerges. Both Australian and American teachers identify more boys. When observers record both the number and duration of teachers' interactions with the identified creative girls and boys, they find that teachers interact twice as often with the boys and for longer durations. According to Gordon and Addison (l985), when teachers nominate students for special programs, boys of average abilities are nominated before gifted girls. As Casserly (l979:349) stated: Too often in the school, the behavior that is evidence of "critical thought and a questioning mind" in a young man becomes evidence of "insolence" and an "argumentative nature" in a young woman . . . gifted young women are par- ticularly adept (often to their disadvantage) at living up to the expectations of others and no more [sic]. Well- 23

adjusted, pleasant, young ladies don't make waves or they're suddenly seen as "aggressive" or worse. Young men who sud- denly demand challenging work are seen as finally settling down and getting serious about life and their future careers. On the other hand, minority and physically disabled females today are in a double bind. Teachers' expectations of minority females are influenced by both race and gender (Malcom, et al., l975), while female students with disabilities are frequently perceived as "dependent, helpless, vulnerable, and subservient" (Hopkins-Best, et al., l985). Unfortunately, teacher expectations influence the .behaviors of both teacher and student (Eccles, l984), and they may affect students' science and. mathematics achievement (Crano and Mellon, l978; Spear, l984a, b). Secondary and elementary teachers, on the average, interact more with male than with female students, especially in mathematics and science (Eccles, l985; Sadker and Sadker, l985; Webb, l984). In the course of one year, elementary-aged boys, compared with girls, in one study received six more hours of one-on-one mathematics instruction (Leinhardt, et al., l979). Taken over the course of elementary school, 36 hours of individual mathematics instruction may have important effects on a student's interest, achievement, and self-confidence. In both science and math classes, the largest gender differences in student-teacher interaction appear during "whole class interaction" (Tobin and Gallagher, l987; Tobin and Garnett, l986), such as question- and-answer or discussion sessions. At all precollege levels, boys are called on more often than girls are (Sadker and Sadker, l985; Tobin and Garnett, l986; Webb, l984), especially when higher-order cognitive questions are involved (Tobin and Gallagher, l987; Tobin and Garnett l986). Today, cooperative learning settings, including laboratory work, account for only a small portion of time in secondary science classrooms (l5 percent). The majority of time is spent either in lec- ture (23 percent) or in whole class interaction such as question-and- answer sessions (33 percent) (Tobin, l986). In mathematics, boys, compared with girls, prefer competitive rather than cooperative activ- ities that are frequently used in schools (Lockhead, l984; Peterson and Fennema, l985). The perception that science and mathematics are masculine is reinforced by classroom practices and teacher behaviors. For example, boys are allowed to dominate discussions and equipment and are four times more likely to be target students than girls are in science and mathematics classes (Tobin and Garnett, l986). The actual practice of mathematics and science today as factual knowledge, pre- sented by whole-class instruction and related to male activities, is an anathema to girls both at the elementary and secondary levels. Although not directly part of the student-teacher interaction pattern, counselors and parents also affect the practice of science. Regarding high school, large-scale studies in the l970s indicated that counselors tend to hold gender-biased attitudes (Ahrons, l976; Donahue and Costar, l977). Furthermore, college science majors ranked their high school counselors last (after biology teachers, parents, and other teachers) when asked who had influenced their choice of major 24

(Kahle, l983b). other studies suggest that both minority and majority girls perceive high school guidance personnel as either a negative or neutral influence on their decision to study science or engineering or to participate in special programs (Casserly, 1979; Malcom, et al., l975; Matyas, l983). Biological Factors Recently, research has addressed the most difficult of the four factors to assess; that is, the relationship of science's and mathe- matics' masculine images to the purported higher aptitudes and abili- ties of boys for science and mathematics. Differences in boys' and girls' scores on tests of spatial ability have been attributed to an inherited characteristic, yet Kelly, et al. (l984), have shown that the difference between girls' and boys' spatial ability scores are eradicated when girls enroll in just one technical trades course. Furthermore, Linn and Petersen's (l986) recent review of the research concerning spatial ability reports no evidence that sex differences in spatial ability explain gender differences in mathematics performance. Benbow and Stanley (l980) and Benbow (l986) found consistent sex differences in mathematical reasoning ability (as measured by the SAT-Math) among intellectually talented l2- to l3-year-olds. The difference favors male students (Benbow, l986). They suggest that this difference reflects innate abilities and Benbow's recent study suggests that differences in hormonal levels are involved. However, Benbow and Stanley's methodology and conclusions have been questioned by several researchers (Eccles and Jacobs, l986; Fox, l984; Pallas and Alexander, l983; Stage, l986). Furthermore, Stage (l986) has refuted the recent claim that male and female math and science ability differences are due to different levels of fetal testosterone. She reports, rather, that studies have revealed that high levels of fetal testosterone in boys may lead to a higher incidence of left-handedness, immune disorders, dyslexia, and other learning disabilities. On the other hand, high levels of fetal testosterone in girls may lead to "tomboyishness" and increased spatial ability. Clearly, we must look beyond biology to the social milieu to find factors related to the masculine images of science and mathe- matics. Transition from Actual to Ideal State [B]oys and girls enter school science classrooms with dif- ferent past experiences, different interests, different attitudes, and different expectations. This indicates that teachers cannot dismiss the problem of girls' under-achiev- ing in science by treating boys and girls identically. . . . [Tjhe science classroom and curriculum are designed to build on a foundation of interests, experience and attitudes that is present for one sex but not for the other. Treating boys and girls identically in school can serve to accentuate 25

Ideal Actual Gender neutral science Masculine science Women are viewed as an integral part of the scientific community by colleagues, educators, stu- dents, and the general public Low female attrition from elective science/math courses Both male and female students work up to full potential in precollege science/math Science is taught by both men and women Students feel free to choose college majors and careers according to their interests and abilities Nonsexist texts and instruc- tional techniques such as discussions and laboratories that maximize learning for all students Science is viewed as a masculine domain by the scientific community, students, and the public High female attrition from elective science/math courses Gender differences in precollege science and math achievement Science classes are primarily taught by men Students follow sex stereotypes in addition to perceptions of abilities and interests in choosing a major/career Sexist curricula and whole class instructional techniques that benefit selected groups of stu- dents Expectations of student abil- ities, interests, and performance are unrelated to student sex, disconfirming societal stereo- types Institutions are committed to addressing the special needs of gifted and disabled females Transformation of student's views of sex roles through science classes Teacher, counselor, parent, peer and the student's own expectations are biased by sex-role stereotypes Gifted and disabled females are often not encouraged to fulfill their potential in science/math Traditional sex roles reinforced by science classes Figure 4 A contrast between the ideal and the actual state of science education. 26

rather than diminish the existing differences. (Johnson, l984:22) A summary of the actual and ideal states of science education in Figure 4 reveals l0 basic areas of difference, while a review of in- tervention projects indicates ways to change from the actual state to the ideal state. Many of the prerequisite changes have been discussed in the "Ideal" section; others will be proposed now, based on the premise that changes in the practices and packaging of science and mathematics will diminish their masculine image. As the image becomes more accurate, the numbers of girls participating and achieving in science and math will increase, and science and mathematics classes will transform, not reproduce, society's stereotypic vision of those disciplines. As Alison Kelly has said, [T]he masculinity of science is an image (author's under- score) . Whether it is caused by textbook representations or by classroom behaviors, it is essentially a distortion of science. The word 'image1 is linked to 'imaginary' and these three mechanisms all suggest that the masculinity of science is only an illusion, not an intrinsic part of its nature. (l985:l46) But how does one affect packaging and practice? One of the most efficient and effective mechanisms is through teacher education, both in-service and pre-service. Several in-service projects suggest the ideal in mathematics and science education. Do they also suggest what type of teacher training works? A close examination indicates that they do. For example, the results of the GIST project were limited, partly, because the teacher-participants did not "buy in" to the pro- gram (Smail, l985). It also emphasized careers and interests, rather than directed intervention and skill development, described in the more successful studies. Teacher Education A recent U.S. project, designed as an attempt to forge a link be- tween actual and ideal science teaching and practices, also produced limited results (Kahle, l986a). This project ignored the issues of sex-role stereotyping of careers, sex-linked patterns of course selec- tion, and sex-role socialization in schools. Rather, it focused on career information, role models, and interest-oriented materials. When the results were in, it was found that boys, compared with girls, • Had more experiences in science, • Indicated higher interest in science careers, • Held more positive perceptions of science and scien- tists, • Expressed more positive attitudes toward science and scientists, 27

• Found science more useful, and • Received significantly more A and B grades in science. The indirect, interest-oriented approach for in-service teacher educa- tion did not work. Results of Rennie, et al. (l985), on the other hand, suggest that a direct approach works. As they stated, their western Australian project . . . worked explicitly to change teachers' attitudes and behaviors and appears to be successful in this. . . . [Mjoreover, . . . the changes in the teachers appeared to be associated with corresponding changes in the students. (p. l43) Furthermore, Parker (l985:l6) discussed why the route of "interest- based science" will not lead to equitable science education: If the teachers . . . had based their programs on students' expressed or expected interests, then the girls concerned would never have experienced working with electricity, and would never have been given the opportunity to find out whether they had a liking or an aptitude for the area. The educational pathway, therefore, must be direct, explicit, and sus- tained and meet the actual requirements for further education in the sciences. Projects focused on interests and careers, often involving female role models, may create the desire to do science, but not pro- vide the prerequisite skills. Both the in-service and pre-service education of primary teachers requires fundamental changes that will provide them with an under- standing of the processes of science and with successful strategies for teaching science. The problem is two-fold: first, teachers have inadequate scientific backgrounds and, second, they are uncomfortable with small-group interactions. Fensham^ suggests that whole-class instruction involving everyday science phenomena is needed in the transition period from actual to ideal. Teachers, more comfortable with whole-class teaching, may use it to investigate with their stu- dents phenomena that they can observe, and test, within their class- rooms. For example, what level of lighting is actually needed? Why do the plants bend toward the window? What is the mean, mode, and range of student heights? How does a thermostat work? In this way, they can build the confidence and skills needed to implement the "hands-on" curriculum. Other changes in the practicing of science will occur in schools and classrooms. An initial step is for schools to review the range of subjects offered and monitor the pattern of choices made by boys and ^Private communication between Jane Butler Kahle and P. J. Fensham, Melbourne, Australia, September l5, l986. 28

girls (Yates, l986). in that way they can identify problems and target changes. In addition, the ideal state will only be reached when sci- ence and math are taught as they are practiced—that is, in mixed groups. Although the transition period will need well-trained women from single-sex schools, long-term gains must be made in coeducational classes, in which discussions and laboratories provide time for tinker- ing and for sharing as well as an atmosphere conducive to trial 'and error and to risk-taking. in such settings, boys can learn to respect the ideas of girls and to work with them as equals. In the transition period from actual to ideal, boys, who hold stronger sex-stereotyped opinions than girls do, may be the target of intervention programs. Research Another pathway from the actual to the ideal state will explore new types of educational research. For example, extensive experimen- tal, or at least longitudinal studies, are needed to confirm the cor- relational relationships found in today's research. Since successful intervention programs can provide a useful source of experimental data, it is important that funding in this transitional stage include monies for evaluation as well as for implementation. In addition, the lack of research on minority, gifted, and disabled girls and women must be addressed. The ideal state of science and mathematics education will need data to determine how minority status, giftedness, and physical disability influence the mathematics and science education processes for women and for men. Without that information, the ideal state will be valid for only a shrinking portion of the precollege population. The importance of research in reaching the ideal state is drama- tized by the situation today. In l984, a National Science Teachers Association survey requested science teachers to rank areas of research in order of interest. The following five areas received the highest rankings: laboratory experiences, motivational techniques, effect on college courses, problem solving, and meaningful learning. All of them represent areas in which gender differences have been found. Yet of the 23 research areas listed in the survey, research in the area of sex differences was ranked last by the teachers surveyed (Gabel, et al., l986). In the transition period, researchers concerned with gender issues must do a better job of discussing their work and findings with teachers and parents. Curriculum A third route from actual to ideal educations in science, mathe- matics, and engineering requires changes in the packaging of science and math materials. Science and mathematics textbooks must continue to evolve from adding illustrations of girls to describing work of women scientists in paragraphs set off (and frequently boxed) from the text to restructuring the presentations of science and mathematics so that they are relevant to girls as well as to boys. However, the cur- ricular path should not lead to separate and unequal science and mathematics curricula for young women. 29

Parent Education Fourth, because of the important influence parents have on their daughters' science and math interests and achievement, strategies for educating parents must be explored. Some formal efforts have begun— for example, the Family Math Program developed at the Lawrence Hall of Science. Other, more informal activities have been designed into in- tervention programs (Kahle, l986b). In the transition period, projects such as the collaborative one between the College Board and the American Association for the Advancement of Science to develop booklets, which both describe the importance of science and math and delineate ways parents can assist their children in science and math, are important. Summary The four routes described above all lead from today's to tomor- row's education in science and mathematics. Collectively, they will change the practice and packaging of science and math as well as the numbers of girls and women studying those subjects. As those three aspects change, the images of science and math will become more real- istic. Although there is neither a quick nor an easy route, a focus on all levels of precollege education will speed the process. A revo- lution in science and mathematics education will result in the evolu- tion of science and math and, in the process, their public images may be improved. The paths proposed in the transitional period from actual to ideal follow the directions identified by projects and by teachers success- ful in promoting science and mathematics education for all. However, education in math and science is at a crossroads. The path to the left follows today's practices and results in some boys and a few girls studying science and mathematics. But the path to the right leads to increased numbers of boys and girls studying science and mathematics and thereby prepared for earning and living in tomorrow's technical society. In conclusion, the words of a l5-year-old girl dramatize why choosing the road to the left is making a wrong turn (Kahle, l986b): Interviewer: What is your image of a scientist? Susan: A scientist's totally involved in work. Therefore, they don't care about appearance. [They] wear white coats, have beards—'cause they're men. They just seem to care only about their science work. . . . They don't care about meals. Somedays they starve themselves. They walk around with their science brain all day, and they've got their laboratories. 30

Interviewer: Susan: What do you want to do? Be able to help people. Not like a scien- tist or a doctor or anything like that. But help their mind [sic]. I want to be a psychologist. I want to help people that [sic] need it. I'm hoping to study psychology when I get to uni[versity] and that is probably what I'll be. But I'd also like to be a racing car driver and to fly planes. But you have to do physics to be a pilot, . . . I don't want to do that. Interviewer: Susan: What about psychologists? chologists? Are women psy- Interviewer: I think there's more women. Because, I mean, people tend to see men and women in different roles even now. They still do. And women are the people that [sic] care. They help you sort out your problems and things like that. And men are the brains, and they just are totally on facts. And they're there to work out the hard things in the world. Are men smarter? Susan: Interviewer: Susan: No. How are you using the term, "brains"? They're not smarter, but people see . . . [that they] are. Society today considers men smarter than women. Therefore, they are going to get the jobs over women. . . . They're the ones you see with the brains, but you don't see [women], because people don't hire them as much. Although the societal and cultural changes needed to modify Susan's perceptions will require time and substantive restructuring, the effect of equitable education may be immediate. For example, Susan must realize that psychology is a science, which requires that she study mathematics, and she as well as all children need to keep their options open. Perhaps, however, the greatest effect of equitable edu- cation in the sciences and mathematics will be equal opportunities for both girls and boys (or women and men) to "help people" and "to sort out the hard things in the world." 3l

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