Reducing Intergenerational Poverty (2024) / Chapter Skim
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From page 217... ...
Together, these studies suggest a potential causal relationship between Medicaid access and reductions in child welfare investigations, for neglect, but not necessarily abuse. Food and Nutrition Programs The committee identified three rigorous studies examining the impact of food and nutrition programs on child maltreatment.
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on child maltreatment rates across states and over the 2004–2016 time period. Results indicate that the effect on maltreatment of each additional income generosity policy and of a 5% increase in SNAP caseload size are similar in magnitude, with each resulting in an 8% to 9% reduction in child maltreatment investigations, 9% to 10% reduction in substantiation cases of maltreatment, and 9% to 15% reduction in foster care placements.
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This leads us to consider the following promising prevention approaches as indirect approaches to reducing intergenerational poverty: • The most consistent evidence of causal effects on reduced child maltreatment is for direct income transfers to low-income families. • Consistent evidence of reductions in child maltreatment is also found in strong studies of the impacts of the recent Medicaid ex pansions occasioned by the Affordable Care Act.
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220 REDUCING INTERGENERATIONAL POVERTY • Expansions of eligibility and benefit levels in food and nutrition programs such as SNAP and WIC have also been linked with reduc tions in child maltreatment. • Some community-level interventions such as the Triple P appear to be promising approaches for reducing child maltreatment.
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, as well as developing and implementing large-scale, effective policies and programs to ameliorate intergenerational poverty. The committee reviewed research on potentially important drivers of intergenerational poverty in the following domains: children's education and the educational system; child health and the health care system; family income and wealth and parental earnings and employment; family structure; housing, residential mobility, and neighborhood conditions; neighborhood safety and the criminal justice system; and child maltreatment and the child welfare system (see Chapters 4–10 for the committee's assessment of the evidence and Appendix C: Chapter 11 for the conclusions regarding 221
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It emphasizes that this should not be taken to mean that most of those other programs are ineffective -- only that their intergenerational impacts have not been assessed. This fact is sobering but not surprising, given the expense and difficulty of scaling up promising interventions identified in controlled experiments, the length of time required to see the effects of interventions on intergenerational poverty, the difficulties of assembling data for historical, retrospective analysis, and the costs of obtaining an adequate sample size for populations most at risk of intergenerational poverty, especially Native Americans.
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Eliminate the proration of SNAP benefits for citizen children with undocumented parents Family Income, Wealth, and Employment • Work-based Expand the Earned Income Tax Credit by increasing income support payments along some or all portions of the schedule and possibly by providing a credit to families with no earnings* Family Structure None identified by research to date (continued)
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Promote sentencing add-ons for violence involving firearms* Child Maltreatment None identified by research to date Racial Disparities A number of the policies and programs listed above have been shown to be effective for Black children and families (See Table C-3-1)
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Most of the available causal research on intergenerational poverty is "quasi-experimental," examining in retrospect the consequences for children of naturally occurring policy changes that were rolled out over time and across well-defined geographic areas. When matched to long-run administrative or survey data, these quasi-experimental data enable researchers to compare the longer-run outcomes of children to identify those who benefited from the program.
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; and • The difficulties of and barriers to accessing and linking the most useful data, which often come from federal, state, and local admin istrative records, for evaluating the impacts of past program and policy changes. A central goal for research policy should be to reduce barriers to developing better evidence about drivers and policies impacting intergenerational poverty.
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• Principle 3: Fund research arms for specific communities. Research portfolios should focus on population groups and communities at highest risk of intergenerational poverty, not only to target scarce research dollars as effectively as possible, but also to help people 1 Heckman et al.
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• Evaluate sector-based training programs at scale, especially at community colleges. • Design and evaluate the long-term impacts of interventions to reduce harsh school discipline and racial disparities in harsh school discipline.
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• Include small grants for remediation of toxic environments in programs to improve housing quality and monitor long-term child outcomes of remediation. Neighborhood Safety and the Criminal Justice System • Evaluate promising crime-prevention programs at scale, such as Becoming a Man, community policing, and others.
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Economics, sociology, cultural anthropology, psychology, and subject matter expertise in the par ticular domain (e.g., education, health care) and program evalua tion all have something to contribute, especially since the causes and effects of intergenerational poverty span so many domains.
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Since people whose families have been poor for generations are vulnerable and perhaps also suspi cious of researchers, it is imperative, in ethical and practical terms, for research on intergenerational poverty to work with the com munities involved. The committee's listening sessions with Native American families, low-income families, and others underscored this point.
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Currently, there is no direct way to estimate the incidence of student loan forgiveness by students' own income, family income, or other demographic characteristics like race, nor whether and how student debt impacts intergenerational mobility out of poverty. If data from the Department of Education's National Student Loan Data System3 could be linked to Internal Revenue Service (IRS)
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We also list potential enhancements to existing panel surveys for intergenerational poverty analysis in Box 11-4. Data Sources and Linkage Possibilities for Economic Resources Federal Censuses and Surveys Since 1940, the U.S.
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Education Data Many states have built detailed Statewide Longitudinal Data Systems (SLDS) that follow school children at least through high school and in some instances through col lege and into the labor market.d These data could be invaluable for intergenerational poverty research.
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The Bureau of Justice Statistics, beginning in 2008, developed a system to collect records from all state and federal criminal justice agencies to track recidivism, which linked with other data could potentially provide useful information for intergenerational poverty research.f The Criminal Justice Administrative Records System (CJARS) , begun in 2016, is another potentially useful data system for such research.
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For cost and feasibility reasons, panel surveys generally have relatively small overall sample sizes. Yet there are opportunities, outlined below, to enhance their ability to identify areas for targeted research and follow-up of policy and program interventions that could ameliorate intergenerational poverty.
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The 1940 census provides a wealth of detail for linked respondents' families and neighborhoods.a Obtaining Additional Detail on Race and Ethnicity It would be useful for panel surveys to gather additional details regarding identity beyond the standard race and ethnicity (Hispanic or Latino) categories -- for example by asking about membership in specific Asian groups or American Indian tribes or about White or Black origins.
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, home equity, retirement equity, education tax-deferred accounts, and health insurance coverage on the asset side, along with debts for mortgages, credit cards, student loans, and medical care on the debit side. Tax returns provide or can be used to infer some of these items, and surveys ask about some of them, but additional sources are needed to obtain a complete picture -- for example, records from the National Student Loan Data System.7 Promising Developments Data Linkage Projects Several statistical agencies are engaged in linkage efforts to help understand economic mobility and child outcomes that can foster mobility.
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. Three linkage projects at the Census Bureau are particularly promising for retrospective and prospective research on intergenerational poverty owing to their content and time span: the American Opportunity Study (AOS)
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1 on the responsibilities of statistical agencies to produce relevant, objective data; added the presumption that statistical agencies may, on request, obtain federal data for evidence-building; expanded secure access to CIPSEA data assets; required a standard data application process for researchers to use confidential data; and charged the U.S. Office of Management and Budget (OMB)
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These are outlined next. Technical Challenges The Census Bureau has developed robust linking software, which performs very well for people with Social Security Numbers or Taxpayer Identification Numbers and reasonably well using date of birth and name agencies' confidentiality and disclosure policies.
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In fact, there is evidence that the Census Bureau's implementation of differentially private algorithms and deletion of previously available data in the 2020 census products has adversely affected data users out of proportion to the gains in privacy protection.10 In contrast, the Year 2 Advisory Committee on Data for Evidence Building (2022) report concludes that: (1)
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Legal Challenges Despite undoubted advances in normalizing the use of linked datasets for research and evidence building, significant legal gaps remain. Titles 13 and 26 still restrict the use of census and IRS data to projects that will benefit the Census Bureau and tax administration, respectively.
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set aside funding, not only for rigorous, small-scale experiments, but also for replications and long-term follow-ups of promising programs and (c) fund research arms for specific communi ties that are at highest risk of intergenerational poverty (e.g., American Indians on tribal lands, rural Black people)
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. Recommendation 11-1 -- To facilitate research and evidence building on economic opportunity, intergenerational poverty, and related topics, the Chief Statistician at the Office of Management and Budget (OMB)
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(1) -1 for research use; • Work within OMB and with relevant agencies and congressional committees to secure sustained funding for data linkage projects, Federal Statistical Research Data Centers, and technical capacity in the states to share records to support cost-effective research and policy analysis on intergenerational poverty, economic opportunity, and related topics; and • Work with relevant agencies to establish guidelines for consent and data storage that will facilitate the re-use of survey and intervention data, linked to subsequent administrative records, for long-term follow-up and for studies not yet anticipated at the time of the original study.
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Addo is an applied social scientist whose work spans the fields of social demography, economics, and policy analysis. Her research program examines the causes and consequences of debt and racial wealth inequality with a focus on family and relationships and higher education.
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of Early Child and Youth Development, and the Family Life Project and evaluations of major early childhood policy initiatives. She has authored or co-authored over 150 peer-reviewed articles, served on review panels for the Maternal and Child Health Bureau, Institute of Education Sciences, and NICHD, as an associate editor for Child Development and Early Childhood Research Quarterly, and is a board member for the William T
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Holzer has authored or edited several books and journal articles, mostly on disadvantaged American workers and their employers, as well as on education and workforce issues and labor market policy. He received his B.A.
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protect youth's socioemotional adjustment from adversities such as neighborhood violence, peer victimization, and perceived racial discrimination. Her scholarly work has been recognized by many awards from the Society for Research in Child Development, the American Psychological Association, and the MacArthur Foundation, among others.
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, with appointments in the Department of Economics and the Goldman School of Public Policy. He is also the co-founder and co-director of the California Policy Lab and is a research associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research and a fellow of the National Education Policy Center, the CESifo Research Network, the Institute for the Study of Labor, and the Learning Policy Institute.
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Burns Scholar in Political Economy at the American Enterprise Institute. Much of his recent research has studied the employment effects of public policies, including the minimum wage, Earned Income Tax Credit, Paycheck Protection Program, and unemployment insurance.
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In her time at the Academies, Backes has served as study director for the reports: Decarcerating Correctional Facilities during COVID-19: Advancing Health, Equity, and Safety; The Promise of Adolescence: Realizing Opportunity for All Youth; Birth Settings in America: Outcomes, Quality, Access, and Choice; and Transforming the Financing of Early Care and Education. Backes has also provided analytical and editorial assistance to National Academies projects on juvenile justice reform, policing, forensic science, illicit markets, science literacy, science communication, and science and human rights.
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Current studies address the health effects of the earned income tax credit, school segregation, paid leave, and social policies during the COVID-19 pandemic. Hamad has previously provided consultation to federal and state legislators developing poverty alleviation policies to reduce health inequities.
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She has a background working with families of diverse backgrounds with differing socio economic status while with the Fairfax County Department of Neighborhood and Community Services as well as the U.S. military families with Childcare Aware of America.
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The committee held two public information gathering sessions to increase its understanding of intergenerational poverty within Native American communities1 and children and families involved with the child welfare and justice systems.2 The committee also commissioned Ascend at the Aspen Institute to organize a series of listening sessions that were closed to the public to ensure candid discussions. This included two listening sessions with parents and caregivers3 contending with poverty to hear directly from them about their experiences with programs and systems designed to support their family's financial well-being and improve their children's future; three listening sessions with representatives of community- or state-level organizations serving Latino families, Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian 1 A proceedings and proceedings in brief of this session are available here: https://nap.
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Researchers from the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, Northwestern University, and the University of Washington discussed drivers of intergenerational poverty among Native Americans and interventions that could improve their economic mobility within the domains of health, education, and the labor market.
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Researchers and practitioners with expertise in the child welfare and criminal justice systems -- from the University of Maryland, the Juvenile Law Center, the University of California, Berkeley, Arizona State University, Columbia University, University of Notre Dame, and the University of Chicago -- discussed how involvement with the justice system and child welfare system affects children's and adolescents' chances of upward mobility in adulthood, how racial disparities and structural factors in the justice system and child welfare system contribute to the causes of intergenerational poverty, and evidence-based programs and policies that target children and their parents and caregivers that are most likely to reduce chances that low-income children will be poor in adulthood. The committee considered these discussions and the research presented in its development of the report, specifically for Chapters 9 and 10.
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260 REDUCING INTERGENERATIONAL POVERTY educations or making sacrifices to enroll their children in better schools, but the daily financial grind made planning for or investing in children's futures all but impossible. Key themes from these discussions are noted here: Stability, consistency, and safety are central to parent goals for their children and family: • My dream is one neighborhood, one home, one place.
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• [Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program] , important but not enough; disconnect between what a family actually needs and what the government thinks a family needs; doesn't take into account non-traditional parents.
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They suggested that those living in poverty should be involved in the conversation, that important policy should not be narrow or restrained, and that states and localities offer important contributions to this conversation. • We must talk to people who live in intergenerational poverty and see what they want.
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APPENDIX B 263 • Programs should be designed by families; there is a lot of talent among the families we serve, and we should tap into that. • They should be creating programs that promote social capital.
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• Just because resources are available in our community, doesn't mean they are accessible. If there is a child care center even in your neighborhood, if they are not operating from six am to seven pm and they don't have teachers who speak your language, as much as you want access to that child care, it is not going to work for your family.
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Finally, it presents distributional data on economic status as measured by adjusted gross income (AGI) and the income concept used in the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM)
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Similarly, we measure parents' income rank as their percentile in the national distribution of parental income for their child's birth cohort. For any given parental income percentile, we can then directly calculate the mean income percentile of their children, as shown in Figures 2-1 through 2-5.2 These relationships provide measures of relative mobility, addressing the question "What are the outcomes of children from lowincome families relative to those of children from high-income families?
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Comparisons with Studies Based on the Panel Study of Income Dynamics Two studies based on data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) provide comparative information on intergenerational poverty persistence and intergenerational income mobility from low economic status in childhood -- Parolin et al.
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From page 268... ...
is also similar, although the racial gap for this adult poverty measure is smaller than for its childhood counterpart. Given the committee's focus on reducing intergenerational poverty, the most relevant estimates from these two data sources are of the fraction of children living in poor or low-income families who are also observed to be poor or low-income in adulthood.
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All 0.100 0.100 0.196 0.020 0.200 0.200 0.337 0.067 White 0.055 0.117 0.151 0.291 0.034 Black 0.192 0.377 0.303 0.373 0.141 Black-White 0.137 0.260 0.152 0.082 0.107 White men 0.117 0.166 0.313 0.037 Black men 0.373 0.394 0.485 0.181 White women 0.117 0.136 0.267 0.031 Black women 0.380 0.217 0.268 0.102 SOURCE: Chetty et al.
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at age 30 All 0.123 0.102 0.113 0.101 0.286 0.032 White 0.074 0.075 0.054 0.072 0.198 0.011 Black 0.371 0.231 0.382 0.231 0.344 0.130 Black-White 0.297 0.156 0.328 0.159 0.146 0.119 White men 0.072 0.067 0.054 0.068 0.172 0.009 Black men 0.341 0.206 0.359 0.220 0.346 0.122 White women 0.076 0.084 0.054 0.077 0.225 0.012 Black women 0.401 0.254 0.408 0.243 0.346 0.140 SOURCE: Parolin et al.
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They first describe the steps they took to match the percentiles of the AGI distribution to income-to-needs ratios in greater detail and the challenges encountered in this process. They use the Historical Supplemental Poverty Measure Data Series (Wimer et al., 2022)
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2-6) All 37.6 50.6 White 40.7 52.6 Black 29.3 38.8 Black-White -11.4 -13.8 White men 39.7 51.5 Black men 27.0 36.5 White women 41.7 53.7 Black women 31.5 41.0 Fisher and Johnson (2023)
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Child "IRS" economic status is measured by mean AGI in 1994–2000 for childhood and 2014–2015 for adulthood in IRS tax records. Children were born between 1978 and 1983.
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. Note that we exclude children under 18 who are identified by the Census Tax Model as primary tax filers from our primary analysis; see the following section for a more detailed discussion of this decision and the sensitivity of our results to it.
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Once we identified these tax units, we calculated the total AGI across all members of the tax unit using the ASEC-CPS AGI variable. The AGI variable was constructed by the Census Tax Model and is described in the IPUMS-CPS codebook as including "an individual's total gross (pretax)
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AGIs are determined based on the total AGI of the tax unit claiming each child in the ASEC-CPS data retrieved from IPUMS-CPS (2022) and matched to income-to-needs ratios based on data from the Historical SPM Data Series (Wimer et al., 2022)
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TABLE C-2-4 Average income-to-needs by percentile of the adjusted gross income (AGI) distribution, children under age 18 Avg.
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TABLE C-2-4 Continued 278 Avg. Income-to-Needs Avg.
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Children identified as independent tax filers (i.e., non-dependents) based on the Census Tax Model are not included in these results (see Figure C-2-4 and Table C-2-2 for results inclusive of this population)
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The minor filers are predominantly teenagers with very low incomes that the Census Tax Model identifies as needing to file taxes (either on their own return or possibly as dependent tax filers)
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who are identified by the Census Tax Model as dependents versus those identified as independent tax filers.
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NOTES: Figure C-2-4 shows the average income-to-needs of children by their position in the AGI distribution and presents results under two scenarios: when including and when excluding children identified as independent tax filers (i.e., non dependents) based on the Census Tax Model in the dataset.
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TABLE C-2-5 Average income-to-needs by percentile of the adjusted gross income (AGI) distribution when minor filers are included Avg.
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TABLE C-2-5 Continued 284 Avg. income to needs Avg.
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See Table C-2-1 for results excluding minor filers from this analysis. AGIs are determined based on the total AGI of the tax unit claiming each child in the ASEC-CPS data from IPUMS-CPS (2022)
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(2017) develop a method of estimating absolute mobility -- the share of children who earn more than their parents -- using currently available cross-sectional historical data on income distributions.
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grow up to have a household income that exceeds that of their parents? " To do so, they combine children's and parent's marginal income distributions constructed as described above with a nonparametric rank-rank copula that measures relative mobility.
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, since virtually all children out-earned virtually all parents in those cohorts, implying that absolute upward mobility rates were close to 100% during that time period irrespective of the degree of relative mobility.9 9 Formally, they compute bounds on absolute mobility using linear programming methods to search over all plausible copulas for the maximum and minimum levels of absolute mobility consistent with the marginal income distribution, and show that these bounds are very tight in early cohorts.
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Patterns of Intergenerational Mobility by Race and Gender As shown in Figures 2-4 and 2-5 in Chapter 2, Black women who grew up in low-income families attain rates of upward mobility that are equal to those of similar White women when measured by individual earnings (roughly 39% for both groups) , but they are less upwardly mobile when measured by household income (26% vs.
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The second statement above suggests a tight focus on policies and programs specifically for Black boys and men, even though the first statement identifies the cycle of intergenerational poverty for females, with Black girls each generation growing up in lower-income households than White girls in each generation. Ignoring investments in Black girls and women would maintain this cycle.
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. Only comparing Black women to White women and Black men to White men controls away the workings of racialized gender structures in education, health, housing, families, law, and the labor market.
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. Defining Disparity, Inequality, Discrimination, and Structural Racism Racial disparities illustrate the differences in rates, trends, or probabilities between White people and Black and Native American people in key life experiences that are relevant for upward mobility.
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. Discrimination is relevant for intergenerational poverty because it excludes Black people and Native Americans from access to and participation in contexts that enhance opportunities or exposes them to practices that reduce opportunity.
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. Structural racism is reflected in the distribution of political power, economic wealth, material conditions, and equal access to, or fair treatment by, social systems over time, from housing to health care to the criminal justice system (Feagin & Elias, 2013)
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Using this measure, the researchers found that Black people living in states with high levels of structural racism were more likely to experience myocardial infarction relative to their counterparts living in states with low levels of structural racism (Lukachko et al., 2014)
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Racial factors play an important role in structuring socioeconomic disparities; therefore, addressing socioeconomic factors without addressing racism is unlikely to remedy these. Historical Roots of Racial Disparities in Intergenerational Mobility As noted in the main text, Native Americans and Black Americans stand out as groups subjected to centuries of structural racism rooted in beliefs about White supremacy.
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. Because of incomplete Native land-transfer records, it has proven challenging to fully evaluate the claim that Native Americans lost their land largely through market mechanisms rather than by force (Banner, 2005)
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cornfields," wrote a colonial officer at the time. He continued: "The Indians on their arrival were surprised the United States, had been given away to more than 1.4 million claimants, virtually all of whom were White (approximately 3,500 Black people received land)
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. This story of dispossession, impoverishment, despair, and resilience expands the chronology, scope, and relevant variables for a contemporary discussion of intergenerational poverty.
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Overall, roughly 56 million acres are held in federal trust as Native reservations, a mere fraction of the 1.9 billion acres that make up the contemporary United States, once occupied by Native peoples. In all, Native Americans experienced a 98.9% reduction in their access to land from the period of European arrival to the present.
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. Just as the economic prosperity stolen from Native Americans through land and people theft is incalculable, so are the profits wrought from slavery, which touched every colonial and U.S.
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Even greater violence ensued if Black people organized against the theft of the sharecropping system. Two hundred Black people were massacred in Elaine, Arkansas, in 1919, after organizing a union to bargain for fair wages (Stockley, 2004)
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Even Black Americans who were able to escape this exploitative system had to contend with discriminatory laws and lending practices that largely barred Black people from land ownership, apprenticeship programs for skilled training, trade unions, and other routes to upward mobility (Lancaster, 2000)
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5374) show the effects of this asset destruction over the long run, finding that "African Americans in the present day who live in counties that once had a Freedman's Savings Bank branch are more likely to list mistrust of financial institutions as a reason for being unbanked; this association is not present for Whites." There was also property destruction in places of Black urban settlement.
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, just to name a few. Scientific Racism During the mid to late 1600s, race ideology developed as justification for White supremacy, land theft and genocidal wars against Native peoples, and permanent enslavement of Black people.
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constitution directed that for purposes of representation and taxes, the population would be determined "excluding Indians not taxed, [and including] three fifths of all other Persons." This separation and erasure of Native Americans and sub-humanization of Black people is built into the fabric of the United States and has clear contemporary manifestations, such as in the "willful blindness toward Native American
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. Forced assimilation is a form of structural racism whose psychological consequences for Native Americans is the focus of a growing number of studies.
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These studies suggest that historical trauma could contribute to higher rates of intergenerational poverty among Native Americans by undermining the psychological functioning and nurturing capacities in the grandparent and parent generations, in turn increasing substance use and mental health problems in the child generation that ultimately lower educational and occupational attainment and reduce upward mobility. For Black Americans, slavery and Jim Crow laws throughout the United States continued to shape economic and social opportunity with lasting impacts into the present day.
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-- is at the core of the persisting legacy of racially oppressive institutions in the US." Contemporary Drivers of Racial Disparities in Intergenerational Poverty As with the section above, we offer additional discussion and detail about some but not all of the domains covered in the main text, and add an additional section on Black immigrants. The first two subsections here are titled to correspond with their respective section in the main text.
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. Unlike the convict leasing system in the South, individual settlers were enriched by the labor of supposedly criminal Native Americans, who were in turn deprived of the ability to sustain themselves and their families.
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. Disparities in incarceration rates between White and Black people are longstanding, dating back to the earliest record keeping in the 1800s.
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. Researchers have discussed three policy changes that have been important for how structural racism has contributed to these racial disparities in the criminal justice system.
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Housing and Neighborhood Environments Racial disparities in housing are driven by the acts of both private citizens and state actors in coordinating efforts to exclude Black people from property ownership and White neighborhoods. For example, the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, more commonly known as the GI Bill, offered preferred mortgage financing, tuition for college and vocational training, and enhanced unemployment benefits to returning veterans.
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. These agreements date from the late 19th century and were driven by antipathy to living near African Americans and by widespread assumptions that Black neighbors provoked falling property values.
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. Capitalizing on the exclusion of Black people from the conventional housing finance market, private investors created a shadow market selling "on contract" (Satter, 2009)
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Comparisons with Black Immigrants Although not included in the main text, a discussion of the socioeconomic status and mobility outcomes of Black immigrants offers additional evidence on racism and discrimination as drivers of intergenerational poverty. Black immigrants have been heralded as a "model minority" (Ukpokodu, 2018)
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. These early accounts of labor market disparities between Black immigrants and Black Americans severely overstated the advantages of Black immigrants.
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Indeed, patterns of intergenerational mobility among immigrants highlight the role of contemporary discrimination in affecting the outcomes of Black immigrants. Using a century of U.S.
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sample? Education Early childhood None identified in recent research K–12 education Increase K–12 school spending Rothstein & Significant impacts for Not assessed Not assessed in the poorest districts Schanzenbach, 2022 Black students Increase K–12 school spending Johnson & School funding is a Not assessed Not assessed Nazaryan, 2019; mechanism by which Johnson, 2011 school desegregation improves long-term outcomes for Black students Gershenson et al., Recruit Black teachers 2022 Significant impacts for Not assessed Not assessed Black students on high school graduation and college enrollment (for males)
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2017; attainment; significant attainment; significant supports (such as tutoring and HAIL: Dynarski, impact of HAIL for impact of HAIL for case management) 2022b Black students on Latino students on application but not application but not admission or enrollment admission or enrollment
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Career training Expand high-quality career Fein et al., 2021 Significant impacts of Significant impacts of Not assessed and technical education for Year Up; Roder Year-Up and Project Year-Up and Project programs in high school and & Elliott, 2019 for Quest on earnings of Quest on earnings of sectoral training programs for Project Quest Black youth Latinos adults and youth Child and Maternal Health Family planning Increase funding for Title X Bailey, 2013 does Not assessed Not assessed Not assessed family planning programs not show subgroup and ensure that Medicaid results by race/ beneficiaries have access to ethnicity family planning services Health insurance Expand access to Medicaid Brown et al., 2020 Wherry & Meyer (2016) , Not assessed Not assessed with continuous 12-month does not show larger improvements in eligibility and 12-month subgroup results by life expectancy among post-partum coverage; expand race/ethnicity Black children relative to access to Indian Health Service White children for all eligible mothers and children Pollution reduction Support EPA to work with Isen et al., 2017 Significant impacts of Not assessed Not assessed local partners to adopt and document impacts pollution reduction expand efficient methods of for Black subsample; on earnings of Black monitoring outdoor and -- Currie et al., 2023 children; CAA accounts especially in schools -- indoor document the CAA for 60% of the racial air quality disproportionately convergence in air improved air quality pollution exposure in the among Black United States since 2000 families (continued)
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sample? Nutrition Expand child access to East, 2020 analysis Not assessed Significantly better birth Not assessed existing nutrition programs of second-generation outcomes for the children for legal permanent residents child health based of women whose own and undocumented parents; on immigrant mothers were eligible for increase WIC enrollment by eligibility uses an WIC benefits when they extending infant certification, 80% Hispanic were in utero allowing adjunctive eligibility, sample and increasing remote access services Family Income, Employment, and Wealth Work-based income Expand the Earned Income Bastian and Generally positive effects Not assessed Not assessed support Tax Credit by increasing Michelmore, 2018 of EITC expansions payments along some or all on the educational portions of the schedule and attainment and earnings possibly by providing a credit of Black children to families with no earnings Family Structure None identified by research NA to date
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From page 323... ...
Housing and Neighborhoods Residential Expand coverage of the Bergman et al., 2019 Not assessed Not assessed Not assessed mobility Housing Choice Voucher do not show race/ program and couple it with ethnicity-specific customized counseling and results or have case management services majority-minority sample. Neighborhood Crime and the Criminal Justice System Juvenile Eliminate most or all juvenile Aizer & Doyle, Significant negative Not assessed Not assessed incarceration detention and incarceration 2015; Baron et al., effects of juvenile for non-felony offenses and 2023 detention on the for felony offenses, especially completed schoolings those that are nonviolent and adult crime for Black youth Child investment Scale up evidence-based Heller, 2017 uses Significant reduction in Not assessed Not assessed strategies therapeutic interventions a majority Black crime and increases in such as the Becoming a Man sample high school graduation program; improve school for Black youth quality and reduce lead exposure in ways identified in the education and health categories Strengthen Scale up programs that Branas et al., 2018 Significant reductions in Not assessed Not assessed communities to abate vacant lots and sample was majority crime reduce violent abandoned homes; increase Black crime and grants to community-based victimization organizations (continued)
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From page 324... ...
carry laws, though the cities included in the analysis have large Black populations. Child Maltreatment None identified by research to date NOTES: ASAP = Accelerated Study in Associates Program; CAA = Clean Air Act; EITC = Earned Income Tax Credit; EPA = Environmental Protection Agency; HAIL = High Achieving Involved Leader program at the University of Michigan; WIC = Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children.
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From page 325... ...
. Some of these programs, like the Nurse Family Partnership home visiting program, have demonstrated long-term impacts on child outcomes like substance use and academic skills during the school years -- impacts likely to reduce intergenerational poverty (Avellar & Paulsell, 2011)
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From page 326... ...
Table C-4-1 provides a broader overview of the HomVee results from the most promising home visiting programs that were evaluated between 2019 and 2020. Because the evaluations include so many parenting and child outcomes, we set a statistical significance threshold of p < 0.10 and simply count the number of impact coefficients that fall below that threshold.
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From page 327... ...
APPENDIX C 327 TABLE C-4-1 Ratio of statistically significant (p < 0.10) treatment impacts to outcomes examined in the HomVee literature review Child Positive development Reductions Program cost per parenting and school in child child per year practices readiness maltreatment $7,000 to train Attachment and parent coaches.
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From page 328... ...
concluded that home visiting, as currently implemented, was not generating statistically significant impacts on children's development, perhaps partly because of problems conducting the regular visits with parents. Consistent with the HomVee review, he pointed out that widely touted programs like the NFP show promise in reducing child abuse and improving child outcomes, but even these programs show inconsistent findings of long-term impacts across follow-up studies (Fryer, 2016)
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From page 329... ...
In the mid-1960s, the Food Stamp program and tax credit programs such as the Earned Income Tax Credit had not yet been introduced. Racial discrimination in parts of the country denied Blacks access to quality schools and hospital care, including childbirth in hospitals with a physician present.
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From page 330... ...
Head Start Head Start began in 1965 as part of the War on Poverty and provided part-time center-based ECE to low-income children (Office of Headstart, 2023)
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From page 331... ...
Moreover, later Head Start cohorts did not show the same young-adult impacts as did the earlier cohorts, and there were even some negative impacts (Pages et al., 2023)
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