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Appendix 3-1: Review of Literature and Research on Factors Associated with a Higher Proportion of Female Applicants
Pages 275-283

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From page 275...
... A review of previous research included topics on departmental climate, work-life balance and family-friendly policies, geographic location, departmental prestige, and public versus private institutions. In addition, we examined the relationship between availability of women in the Ph.D.
From page 276...
... 2 As noted in Chapter 2 and Appendix 2-1, the number of women receiving Ph.D.s in S&E had grown significantly over the years -- both numerically and as a proportion of all those receiving doctorates in S&E. On average, over the period from 1999 to 2003, the 5-year period preceding the survey's focus, Research I institutions awarded women 45 percent of the Ph.D.s in biology, 32 percent in chemistry, 18 percent in civil engineering, 12 percent in electrical engineering, 25 percent in mathematics, and 14 percent in physics.
From page 277...
... conducted a survey of 1,105 graduate students from 24 math and science programs at the University of California at Davis, with a focus on comparing students' initial career goals when they began graduate school with their current career goals. A crucial finding was "more men than women began graduate school with plans to work in research universities (84% of men, 71% of women)
From page 278...
... DEPARTMENTAL CLIMATE One of the reasons women might not apply to RI institutions is there is a perception that these schools have a reputation for not being female-friendly. Female students may experience a chilly climate in graduate school or may perceive that some female faculty find obstacles when pursuing their careers and, as a consequence, may opt to embark on a career elsewhere (Brennan, 1996)
From page 279...
... Institutions with spousal support policies and child-care and family leave policies might be more attractive to female doctorate recipients. For example, readily available child care may make a greater positive difference in the lives of female faculty than male faculty.
From page 280...
... The general geographic mobility argument is that changing jobs for many academics is a positive (upward mobility) , and the academic labor market is national so academics should be flexible to take advantage when opportunity knocks.
From page 281...
... Women, especially married women, could be less likely to apply to RI institutions in smaller towns, where there are fewer opportunities for spouses. A second important consequence of mobility constraints might be that search committees are less likely to offer women positions if the committee believes the woman will not accept the offer.
From page 282...
... Some versions of the CV contained a traditional male name; other versions, a traditional female name. The authors found "both male and female academicians were significantly more likely to hire a potential male colleague than an equally qualified potential female colleague.
From page 283...
... In addition to broad gender stereotypes, gender stereotypes specific to the academic world, such as a perception that women are less mobile or less committed to the profession, may affect invitations to interview. Differences in the level of socialization among male and female graduate students and postdocs may further impact an aspiring faculty member by affecting the quality of letters of reference.


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