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Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
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Page 21
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 22
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 23
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 24
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 25
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 26
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 27
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 28
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 29
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 30
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 31
Suggested Citation:"A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI." National Research Council. 1956. Effect of Exposure to the Atomic Bombs on Pregnancy Termination in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. doi: 10.17226/18776.
×
Page 32

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Chapter III A COMPARISON OF HIROSHIMA AND NAGASAKI HIROSHIMA, situated facing the Inland Sea on the southern coast of the Japanese island of Honshu, was at the time of the atomic bombing a city of approximately 350,000 inhabitants (including military personnel). Nagasaki, lo- cated on the western side of the Japanese island of Kyushu, was at that time a city of approxi- mately 250,000 persons. In addition to the ob- vious differences in size and location, there are a number of other respects, pertinent to this study, in which the two cities are not compara- ble. 3.1 The peopling of Japan; possible differ- ences between the inhabitants of Honshu and Kyushu. — The origin of the present-day in- habitants of Japan, like the origins of so many of the peoples of the earth, is a tantalizing riddle. Most standard reference works on the subject recognize the possibility of three distinct pre- historic streams of immigration into the Japa- nese islands, one entering Kyushu from the south by way of Formosa and the Ryukyu Is- lands, and ultimately derived from southern China,1 a second entering northern Kyushu and southern Honshu from Korea, and ultimately derived from Manchuria, and a third stream, represented by the contemporary Ainu and hav- ing affinities with the present-day inhabitants of Siberia, northern Russia, Finland, and north- ern Sweden, entering from the north (Munro, 1908; Brinkley, 1915; Murdoch, 1926; Sansom, 1943; Beardsley, 1955). But while Japanese mythology, the earliest written records, and the archeological findings all supply reasonably good evidence for such waves of immigration towards the end of the Stone Age, it is not at all clear whether these immigrants found Japan already inhabited and, if so, the provenance of 1 Some have suggested Indonesia, Malaysia, or Polynesia. these very earliest inhabitants (cf. Kiyono, 1949). Almost equally uncertain is the relative timing of these waves of immigration, and the proportions in which these waves, together with the possible even earlier inhabitants, blended to form the modern Japanese type. Suffice it for our purposes to recognize the possibility that some thousands of years ago there existed sig- nificant anthropological differences between the inhabitants of the vicinity of Nagasaki in south- ern Japan and of Hiroshima in central Japan, and the further possibility that today, despite the many historical developments which would tend to obliterate such differences, some vestige still remains. 3.2 Non-Japanese elements in the two cities. — The present-day inhabitants of Nagasaki may differ genetically from those of Hiroshima for reasons other than just outlined. Historically, Nagasaki is pre-eminent among all Japanese cities as a point of contact with Western culture. The problem to which we must now address ourselves briefly is the question of the extent to which these contacts have been accompanied by intermarriages and arrangements of convenience which have left a lasting imprint on the biotype of the inhabitants of this area. 3.2.1 Early Nagasaki contacts with the West. — From our standpoint, the history of these contacts is best divided into three periods. The first of these begins in 1542 or 1543, when three Portuguese traders who had taken passage in a Chinese junk for Liampo were driven north by a typhoon and landed on a small island off the coast of southern Japan. Within a few years they were followed by Portuguese trading ships, which also brought Jesuit priests from the mis- sions at Macao and Goa. The next 100 years were characterized by a considerable Japanese trade with the West, much of it funneling 21

22 Chapter III Genetic Effects of Atomic Bombs through Nagasaki. This trade was at first domi- nated by the Portuguese, but later shared in by Spanish, Dutch, and English ships. Concur- rently, Portuguese Jesuit and Spanish Franciscan missionaries were busy. The activities of these missionaries, at first readily tolerated, at length reached the point where, both in terms of num- bers of converts and political overtones, they were felt by the Tokugawa shogunate to pose a threat to the stability of Japan. In 1612, an earlier ban against Christianity was for the first time rigorously enforced. The Christian converts who refused to renounce their faith — and there were many — were vigorously persecuted. At the same time, the entrance of foreigners into Japan, as well as their movement about the country, was increasingly restricted. In 1636, Japanese ships and Japanese individuals were forbidden to go abroad. By 1639, all foreigners are reported to have been expelled from Japan, and the country had embarked on an era of self-imposed seclusion. 3.2.2 The Dutch on Deshima.—This severance of ties with the West was not quite complete. From 1640 until 1853, when Commo- dore Perry was successful in the first steps at re-establishing intercourse with the West, the Dutch, presumably because of the non-political and non-religious nature of their prior activities, were permitted to maintain a small trading sta- tion on Deshima in Nagasaki. This span of 213 years is the second of the three periods we must recognize. During this period, Chinese were also permitted to trade at Nagasaki and in much greater numbers than the mere handful of Dutch. Thus, Kaempfer (1728) describes a Chinese section of Nagasaki with upwards of 1,000 inhabitants, and further estimates, on the basis of the number of junks coming to Naga- saki and their size, that in the years 1683 and 1684 (which may or may not be representative of previous years) there were "for each year not less than 20,000 Chinese visitors." A year later trade with China was, at least officially, much more restricted, to 70 junks per annum with crews of not more than 30. Throughout the next century and a half the Dutch continued as in the past to send on the average one or two ships a year to Nagasaki, while Chinese activi- ties were still further restricted, only a dozen junks a year being permitted to visit the port by 1820 (Murdoch, 1926). 3.2.3 From the reopening of Japan to World War //. — The third period may be dated from 1853 to the outbreak of World War II. Perry in his negotiations of 1853 and 1854 for port facilities declined the Japanese offers of Nagasaki, apparently feeling that its past would be more hindrance than help in establish- ing his new era, but under an agreement ne- gotiated in 1857 by Harris, the first American Consul-General to Japan, Nagasaki became one of three treaty ports into which American ships could enter freely. However, the Dutch, from their beachhead at Deshima, had already profited from Perry's visit. In 1853, immediately follow- ing Perry's visit, the Japanese entered into ne- gotiations with the Dutch for the purchase of men-of-war. In 1855, the Dutch presented the Japanese with the Soembing, the first unit of Western construction to be acquired by the Japa- nese Navy. In that same year, the Japanese established a navigation school and ship-build- ing yard in Nagasaki, instruction being fur- nished by 22 Dutchmen. In 1857 another Dutchman, Dr. Pompe van Meerdervoort, as- sumed charge of a newly established school of medicine. During the first decade following Perry's visit, while Japanese relations with foreigners were most unsettled, the number of Europeans in Nagasaki remained quite small, but begin- ning with the mid-1860's, and particularly after the initiation of the pro-foreign Meiji era in 1868, there arose a sizeable "foreign colony" in Nagasaki, largely concentrated on land on the eastern side of the harbor specifically set aside for this purpose. We have found it diffi- cult to locate any exact data concerning the "foreign colony" between the reopening of Japan and 1897, with the exception of some statistics for 1864-1870, 1882, and 1889. Con- cerning the situation after 1897 there appears to be considerable information, but unfortu- nately sometimes conflicting in nature. This conflict is not so great as to invalidate an ap- proximate evaluation of certain matters perti- nent to this study. Table 3.1 summarizes the earliest complete data on this period which we have been able to locate, made available through the courtesy of the Nagasaki Prefectural Library. Between 1864 and 1870 there were on the average 150-200 Occidentals in the city, as well as a rapidly in- creasing number of Chinese, the number of the latter growing from 141 in 1864 to 366 in

A Comparison of Hiroshima and Nagasaki 23 1870. The biological significance of this num- ber of persons can only be evaluated in terms of the city's total population, which in 1870 was given as 29,127 (Nagasaki since the Restoration, 1925). Occidentals thus accounted for approximately 0.6 per cent of the population at this time. Data concerning only two years during the interval 1871-1896 have come to our attention. In 1882, when the population of Nagasaki was 39,963, the total foreign population had risen to 829. Of these, six hundred and some were Chinese and the rest Occidentals, including approximately 100 English, 30 French, 30 Americans, and some Russians, Austrians, Dutch, and Danes (Nagasaki since the Restora- tion, 1925). By 1889, when the city population hire, a manifest impossibility unless "residence" is defined differently in the two sets of data, a point not entirely clear. City figures are not available after 1923, but those for the prefecture indicate a slow, continual increase in the num- ber of Occidentals residing in the city, as illus- trated by the figures for 1930 given in Table 3.3. Throughout the first 40 years of this cen- tury, something like 0.2 per cent of the popula- tion of the city was Occidental, and an addi- tional 0.7 per cent, Chinese. The ethnic breakdown of the figures for two representative years, 1910 and 1930, is indicated in Table 3.3. These simple totals fail to provide a true insight into the "dynamics" of the situa- tion. In Table 3.4 figures based on the 1920 census report are given concerning the age TABLE 3.1 POPULATION FIGURES BY NATIONALITY FOR FOREIGNERS RESIDENT IN NAGASAKI CITY BETWEEN 1864 AND 1870- (Abstracted from "Records of the Investigation by Nationality of Foreigners Resident in Nagasaki City— 1864 through 1879," from the official files of the Nagasaki magistrate's office) Foreign populations Year 1864 . Britain . . . . 49 U.S.A. 37 Germany 10 France 10 Russia Portugal 1 Holland 24 Others Chinese 141 Total 272 1865 . . 66 33 10 11 2 3 26 246 397 1866 66 36 15 16 5 38 1 224 401 1867 66 35 19 14 5 30 4 305 478 1868 81 39 20 15 8 30 6 375 574 1869 .... 79 23 21 15 1 5 23 2 333 502 1870 89 29 25 14 1 6 20 3 366 553 was 54,502, there were 354 Occidentals and 701 Chinese in residence (Nagasaki since the Restoration, 1925). Beginning with 1897, more complete data became available. Table 3.2 summarizes city and prefectural census reports from 1897 to 1923.2 The data are drawn from different sources, the city data from a book issued by the municipal government in 1925 (Nagasaki since the Resto- ration), the prefectural data from the Japanese Empire Statistical Annual (Nihon Teikoku Tokei Nenkan). It is apparent that most of the foreigners residing in Nagasaki prefecture were concentrated in the city proper, making it pos- sible in an approximate treatment such as this to substitute prefecture for city figures where the latter are lacking. That one or the other or both sets of data are not completely accurate is suggested by the fact that for several of the years, city figures exceed those for the prefec- 2 The prefecture is a geographical unit roughly corresponding to the state of the U.S.A. composition and the marital status of four of the principal ethnic groups, as well as for the total foreign population. Attention is directed towards the high proportion of unmarried males in the 20-39 age interval. Furthermore, in evaluating the significance of the number of married women, it should be borne in mind that in cases of mixed marriages, the wife and children assumed the citizenship of the husband (Izumi, 1921; Sasano, 1921). 3.3 The biological influence of "foreigners" on Nagasaki and Hiroshima. — It is a manifest absurdity to attempt to quantitate in any way the extent to which foreign contacts during these three periods left a biological imprint on the face of Nagasaki. However, one is perhaps permitted certain impressions. It seems unlikely for at least two reasons that the foreigners who visited Japan during the first of the three peri- ods defined above contributed in any significant way to the genetic constitution of the present- day inhabitants of this area. For one thing, the

24 Chapter III Genetic Effects of Atomic Bombs systematic suppression of Christianity, thought to involve the death of at least 20,000 Japanese converts, and perhaps 100,000 or even more (Kaempfer, 1728; Murdoch, 1926; Sansom, 1943), may have decimated the very group in which the offspring of Caucasian-Japanese unions were most apt to be found.3 For an- other thing, the Japanese, during the period ending in 1639 when they were ridding them- selves of foreign influences, were systematic fluences that during the second of the three periods we have defined, the Dutch were forced to live on a small, artificial island in the Naga- saki harbor, termed Deshima, measuring some 600x240 feet. The number of Dutch in resi- dence was severely limited, usually to about 10 to 20, and the movements of these carefully restricted (cf. Kaempfer, 1728). But the Japa- nese are above all else realists. Alone among the Japanese people, prostitutes were permitted to TABLE 3.2 THE "FOREIGN" AND TOTAL POPULATION OF NAGASAKI CITY, AND THE "FOREIGN" POPULATION OF NAGASAKI PREFECTURE, 1897-1923 Foreign population, city Households 290 Males 851 Females 271 Total 1 122 561 1 218 342 1 560 731 1 345 357 1 702 662 1 442 476 1 918 526 2 104 . . . . 542 1 304 355 1 659 640 1 334 409 1 743 538 1 170 367 1 537 487 1,121 365 1 486 430 1,057 448 1 505 416 1,061 402 1 463 380 867 395 1 262 321 800 419 1 219 326 756 389 1 145 274 639 329 968 276 657 370 1 027 318 754 396 1 150 . . 328 800 405 1 205 304 763 392 1 155 314 772 403 1,175 316 772 405 1 177 345 804 393 1 197 347 810 397 1,207 351 810 403 1 213 355 806 406 1 212 362 822 417 1,239 . . 370 832 423 1.255 Year 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 in their uprooting of all traces of the intruders, to the extent that, among other actions, it is recorded that they exiled to Macao in 1636 some 287 women and children known to be re- lated to the Portuguese by marriage or birth (Kaempfer, 1728; Woolley, 1881). It is characteristic of the thoroughness of the Japanese in ridding themselves of foreign in- 3 Exact data on this point are of course unobtain- able. From our standpoint it is important to recognize that the permanent flight of Christians from Nagasaki to more inaccessible regions to escape persecution may, from the genetic standpoint, have done as much to obliterate any effects of interbreeding in that city as the actual death of Christians. Foreign population, prefecture 1,743 1,983 2,037 1,725 1,698 1,579 1,535 1,553 1,523 1,282 1,290 1,186 1,127 1,189 1,200 1,189 1,173 1,261 1,311 1,342 1,217 1,261 1,303 Total population, city 73,974 113,307 120,865 129,597 142,811 148,882 154,727 159,041 163,324 168,436 173,118 175,936 176,970 178,074 179,257 154,351 160,450 164,272 174,077 182,695 188,006 197,500 205,958 233,813 245,954 256,316 264,669 visit Deshima, and periodically such of the Dutch as desired — their numbers perhaps swelled by the arrival of a ship — were permitted to visit Maruyama, then (and still) the brothel district of Nagasaki. These activities, like everything else the Dutch did, were carefully noted. Thus it is a matter of record that in one year (the 7th year of Kyoho, 1722) there were 270 Dutch visits to Maruyama — during that same year there were 20,738 Chinese visits (Boxer, 1950). In view of the practice of abortion and infanticide during the Tokugawa Era and the official attitude toward foreigners, it would be strange if any considerable number of children

A Comparison of Hiroshima and Nagasaki 25 from such relationships reached maturity. The few of whom there is any record are cited in reference works primarily as "curiosities" (e.g., Thunberg, 1795, 1796). It is more difficult to evaluate the extent to which racial admixture occurred during the period ushered in by Commodore Perry's visit. The fraction of one per cent of the Nagasaki population which has been Occidental has been a very mixed group —• diplomats, missionaries, tached to mixed marriages or even temporary arrangements of convenience, as witnessed by the well-known story of Madame Butterfly, the locale for which was Nagasaki. One can state with considerable assurance that limited oppor- tunities for racial admixture existed in Naga- saki between 1870 and 1940* — the data do not permit one to go much further. These are the bare historical facts. To what extent the present-day inhabitants of Nagasaki TABLE 33 THE ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF THE FOREIGN COMPONENT OF NAGASAKI CITY, FOR THE YEARS 1910 AND 1930 [The figures for 1910 are based on the city alone (Kitano, 1911), while those for 1930 on prefectural census reports.] Year 1910 Nationality Males Females Total English 52 43 95 American 31 48 79 French 30 12 42 Russian 17 21 38 Danish 7 9 16 German 17 11 28 Portuguese 3 6 9 Italian 9 4 13 Austrian 2 4 6 Turk 2 1 3 Rumanian 2 5 7 Norwegian 6 4 10 Bulgarian — 1 1 Dutch — — — Polish — — — Belgian — — — Swedish — — — Swiss — — — Canadian — — — Subtotal 178 169 347 Chinese 578 220 798 Other — — — Totals 756 389 1,145 Males 129 84 14 9 14 2 2 3 30 31 8 1 2 2 2 334 1,883 1 2,218 1930 Females 57 35 13 9 11 4 3 5 150 441 591 Total 186 119 27 18 25 6 5 8 31 36 9 1 6 4 2 484 2,324 1 2,809 teachers, and commercial persons — many of whom, of course, did not intermarry or other- wise contribute to the Nagasaki gene pool. However, in addition to these permanent resi- dents, there were relatively many transient sea- men. The Russian fleet was stationed in Naga- saki during the winter months prior to the Russo-Japanese War in 1904. The intellectual climate of Japan during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was characterized by the enthusiastic acceptance in some quarters of many aspects of Western civilization — there was apparently no particular opprobrium at- differ from those of Hiroshima because of racial admixture can only be a matter for con- jecture. On the face of the evidence, it seems very unlikely that at most more than a few per cent of the corporate genetic constitution of present-day Nagasaki is non-Japanese in origin. This conclusion is borne out by the fact that the published A-B-O blood group frequencies of 4 The opportunities which arose during the Occupa- tion, starting with the arrival of the First Marine Division in Nagasaki, are scarcely pertinent to the problem of the ancestry of those individuals forming the parentage of the children under study.

26 Chapter III Genetic Ejects of Atomic Bombs I '°* a**r* == ' "* ^ '^n| r"M 1 i i t 1 X 'Osor^r^ | -H « i 1 M M 1 -^ 'fl'(NOsm sOsQ i fNM OO OssO*n| msoosl *" •] 00 00 sO tfs w"1 1 sO sO ^O ^ fN t"- 1 [ O "*- (N 1 at *£ < A r , fN rH rH 6 '** < I 8 tf °^ .. j; a 1 J »_ irsCImI ^-^11 '^''fl' fNfN 'NtN 1 •*•' en QO 1 1 1 T5 — fN os I II V ^T I | OK oo | rfs fN m V) [2 SS2 2 -2 g % i 0 ^ CHi^fN«NfN || "| nin * 1 «* - n « | Pa d 5 a *_j S •j O "O ea ig is i / , i-*enr^i^ so^O i oooo ^-^j* oosr-*i oooooi z* >* * UOsOOO | H | ^ t6 M | 1S o-S 2 ^* ^*" *^* *o *^ *^ 1 1 ^ ® ^*- ^ II r^ *"* i^ i >n o i/^ t *§ tfl £5 Ig Mr*fNOs OOII OOII ^*H cr* --C1 r ! | i/ssOOO^ °* mS2"* r- r- 1 1 r-i^M •**s fN*H«| IN « " E 3^ £w S-TJ ETHNIC STATUS OF • PRINCIPAL st•tistic•l bure•u], Ce an Chinese — Os — —i 'NfN 1 OO0OIj \O^O fN\O\OI I^00^O^ *Q O rt^ -^ fN 00 00 1 oO 00 1 1 r*- r^ T* O 1 'N 0O re* ** O tf^ ^* I-H t— 1 1-N — JgOenO fNtN I 0oOOll I*-I* - O1N0OI OTT-fl-fN oeni^in "" 1Q1Q1 £!£! ^CJ•— C" Z % o KSSS SS ' "* ^^ 5S" 1 S2S'- ** "rt *" i i !' »Q 'Noo*-*m oo I oo osos oor*- | osH^irs tf^rH'fl'O •-*r-t I OsOs •-'•-* Orfit^l iTs0OsOi^ 0 '$ ^ -S ^•-*•fl'Os rsifNIl 'NfN tf^^r^ 1 ^HO^O4I fNfNQOfN u ^ S O^HfNso Os Os ] | osos xoso | *NOs'N| •5^.00 O **^ "*s Os rH rH *H ^H « rH O( rH ^- m n '« t* *sT " 3 1

A Comparison of Hiroshima and Nagasaki 27 I I ll |r>- « | Os *-' oo I 'N •-* o •-* en I •-* M so | w *-* fS 1-* JM -H e-* | JM -H r-* I l^H^ oo^r^l OsfM^fs i I « 1* | ^-t^H 'N|tN ITt 'N ^ fN \O '-' "^ •* I r-1 eO Os' o. ^'Vr^ osos 0O-HI^ Tin fN^H T*n : ' "Q ^ ' 'Q rr : ' 'Q Os : ' ' 'N

28 Chapter III Genetic Effects of Atomic Bombs persons living in Nagasaki do not differ strik- ingly from those of their neighbors, although one wonders about the selection for typing studies of "pure" Japanese (summary in Boyd, 1939). It is unfortunate that studies on the Rh gene frequencies are not available inasmuch as these, because of the difference between Cau- casian and Oriental populations (summary in Mourant, 1954), would be expected to be especially revealing. That there has been some admixture can scarcely be challenged. One who visits the three cemeteries where foreigners were customarily buried is impressed by the frequency with which there appear on the tombstones of the past three-quarters of a century Japanese female given names in combination with non-Japanese surnames. Unfortunately, the local church rec- ords, which might have been of real value in this connection, fared less well than the tomb- stones in the atomic holocaust. One of these cemeteries is the large and picturesque, semi- official "Foreign National" cemetery, conveni- ently subdivided into Russian, Dutch, English, etc., sections. There is a marked preponderance of males buried here. It would be passing strange if, during the 70 years preceding World War II, these men, even more than the casual sailors from so many ports, failed to leave a genetic heritage paralleling their socio-economic stamp. Finally, some of the authors have the distinct impression of encountering from time to time in Nagasaki, individuals who, because of hair or eye color or facial conformation, strongly suggested Caucasian ancestry. Such persons are a very small minority but, in view of the gen- eral dominance in mixed Japanese-Caucasian marriages of the straight, black hair, the dark eyes, and the facial appearance of the Japanese, cannot be easily disregarded. In striking contrast to Nagasaki, the Hiro- shima area, although it has supplied relatively many emigrants to Hawaii and the U.S.A., has itself been characterized by very limited con- tacts with the West, even down to the time of World War II. It would seem that the possi- bility of a Caucasian element in this population may safely be ignored. In addition to the possible role of historical (and pre-historical) factors in creating biologi- cal differences between the inhabitants of Hiro- shima and Nagasaki, certain obvious present-day differences should be mentioned. We are in- debted to Mr. Fu, Chinese Consul in Nagasaki in 1952, for the information that in February of that year there were 600 Chinese citizens in the city. These were not all "pure" Chinese; on the other hand, there were known to be many persons in Nagasaki whose ancestry was in part Chinese who no longer claimed Chinese citizenship. In Hiroshima there was no signifi- cant number of Chinese, but, by contrast, a rela- tively large "Korean colony," numbering, ac- cording to data supplied by the Hiroshima Municipal Government, some 5,000 persons in January of 1952. There is reason to suspect that because of illegal entry, the number was actually somewhat larger. There were relatively few Koreans in Nagasaki. 3.4 The different impacts of the atomic bombs on the two cities. — There are important differences between Hiroshima and Nagasaki in respect to their experience with the atomic bombs. 3.4.1 Types of bombs. — Different kinds of bombs were used on the two cities, that dropped over Hiroshima being a uranium-235 bomb, whereas the one used against Nagasaki was composed of plutonium-239. As will be brought out in the next chapter, the radiation spectrum of these two bombs differed. 3.4.2 Effects of the bombs on the two cities. — The over-all effects of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki have been adequately described elsewhere (British Mis- sion, 1946; United States Strategic Bombing Survey, 1946; Los Alamos Scientific Labora- tory, 1950; Oughterson et al., 1951). Suffice it to say here that both the mortality and the morbidity from the bombs differed markedly in the two cities. Because of the deterioration in Japanese vital statistics during the war and the destruction of records in consequence of the bombings, exact casualty figures will never be available. However, it is usually stated that in Hiroshima approximately 60,000 inhabitants were killed immediately or died within a few weeks of the effects of the explosion, and an additional 70,000 sustained overt injury. This figure may be a very conservative estimate of the total casualties for two reasons. As the head- quarters of the Second Grand Army, the chief concentration of military power in Central

A Comparison of Hiroshima and Nagasaki 29 Japan, Hiroshima was a major "staging area" for the South Pacific theater of war. The elaborate facilities of the Second Army were almost completely destroyed. Because of war- time secrecy plus the deliberate destruction of surviving military records, the military casualties will never be known, but they number well into the thousands. In addition, on the day of the bombing there were a number of work parties from neighboring towns in the area. The total number of persons killed may exceed 100,000. With respect to Nagasaki, it is usually stated that there were approximately 33,000 civilian deaths, and 25,000 surviving injured. Nagasaki contained no military installations of any sig- nificance, so that the problem of accounting for military personnel does not exist for this city. Since many more records survived here than in Hiroshima, it is felt that the figures for Naga- saki are reasonably accurate. The plutonium-type bomb detonated over Nagasaki actually had a greater explosive power than that used on Hiroshima. The reason for the greater number of casualties in the latter city is to be sought in large part in differences in the physical features of the two cities. Hiro- shima is built on the triangular delta of the river Ota (Fig. 3.1). Only one small "moun- tain" (Hijiyama, height 69 meters) breaks the flatness of the terrain occupied by the great majority of the city. As indicated in Fig. 3.1, the bomb was detonated not far from the "center" of this delta. The topography of Naga- saki is very different (Fig. 3.2). The city lies at the head of a long, narrow bay, running up from which there is a "mountain," with a valley on either side. The city extends along both sides of the bay and up into the two valleys, thus roughly resembling in its outlines the letter "X." As indicated on the map, the bomb was detonated over one of the valleys, in which there was a heavy concentration of war industry (and, incidentally, the largest Christian colony and church in Japan, and the Nagasaki Medical School and its hospital). The serious effects of the bomb were largely confined to this one valley. The official statistics concerning the effects of the bombs are paralleled by the experience of the ABCC in the two cities. For instance, in consequence of a Radiation Census carried out in 1949, together with certain later supplemen- tary data, it can be estimated that in 1949 there were some 31,000 inhabitants of Hiroshima who had been within 2,000 meters of the hypocenter at the time of the explosion, whereas the corre- sponding figure for Nagasaki was 9,850. It can be further estimated that approximately 6,000 persons then resident in Hiroshima, and 2,000 in Nagasaki, had shown such symptoms of rela- tively heavy irradiation as epilation, purpura, and/or oropharyngeal lesions following the bombings (ABCC Semi-Annual Report, Janu- ary-June, 1954). As can be seen from Table 2.1, among the parents of children falling within the scope of the Genetics Program, there were roughly twice as many relatively heavily irradi- ated in Hiroshima as in Nagasaki. 3.5 The development of the ABCC program in the two cities. — Despite the number of persons on the ABCC roster (p. 2), there was, considering the magnitude of the total problem to be attacked, a chronic shortage of trained personnel, this imposed in part by budgetary considerations and in part by recruit- ment difficulties. The original plan had been that the ABCC would develop programs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki which would be quite comparable in size. From the first, however, the concentration of personnel and facilities in Hiroshima far outstripped that in Nagasaki. The reasons were chiefly two: (1) Given the personnel shortages alluded to above, and the greater number of relatively heavily irradiated survivors in Hiroshima, it was obviously more economical of available personnel to concentrate them in Hiroshima. (2) For a number of reasons which need not be entered into here, logistical problems, including the matter of housing, were less serious in Hiroshima. To those of your authors who found themselves curiously stirred by the colorful and dramatic history of Nagasaki — a history whose shadows confronted one at many turns — it has always seemed regrettable that practical considerations dictated putting so much more effort into Hiroshima. Because of the clear need from the outset for all the "genetic" data which could be collected from both cities, the Genetics Program came closer to an equality of effort in the two cities than did any other facet of the ABCC's activi- ties. Every possible attempt was made to ensure the comparability of the genetics programs in

30 Chapter III Genetic Effects of Atomic Bombs g s 8 S 8,5 §1 I! tH 01 J £ 8 , O Oa 2 « 111 a- o i •§.•5.5 o .o ^ 'in V O • U • B oe LI i* §1 S.

A Comparison of Hiroshima and Nagasaki 31 I0i4 — mil — NAGASAKI CITT NAGASAKI PREFECTURE, KYUSHU, JAPAN FIGURE 3.2 — The topography of the Nagasaki City region. Explanation as for Figure 3.1.

32 Genetic Ejects of Atomic Bombs Chapter III Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The two chief factors ful. On the other hand, as will become evident in this effort were the formulation of a rather in Chapter V, some of the reported differences rigid set of procedures to be adhered to in the in pregnancy termination between the two two cities, and frequent exchanges of personnel, cities may not actually reflect true biological It is felt that in the main, this effort was success- differences.

Next: THE CRITERIA OF RADIATION EMPLOYED IN THE STUDY »
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